@article{AbramsonFinifter1981,
  title = {On the Meaning of Political Trust: New Evidence from Items Introduced in 1978},
  shorttitle = {On the Meaning of Political Trust},
  author = {Abramson, Paul R. and Finifter, Ada W.},
  date = {1981},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {25},
  number = {2},
  eprint = {2110854},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {297--307},
  publisher = {{[Midwest Political Science Association, Wiley]}},
  issn = {0092-5853},
  doi = {10.2307/2110854},
  urldate = {2022-11-24},
  abstract = {In 1978, the University of Michigan Center for Political Studies introduced four new political trust questions that, more than the standard trust items used over the course of two decades, have specific referents--President Carter, the Carter administration, and the U.S. Congress. These four new questions, apart from their changed objects of reference, use the same wording as two of the older trust items. Thus, observed correlations between the new items and old items may reflect both substantive conceptual associations among the various political referents and associations resulting from overlapping methods variance, i.e., from the mere similarity of question wording. We find that there are problems caused by similar question wording and demonstrate that analyses of the new items will not offer any easy solution to the problem of interpreting the standard political trust index.},
  issue = {2}
}

@article{AglerDeBoeck2017,
  title = {On the Interpretation and Use of Mediation: Multiple Perspectives on Mediation Analysis},
  shorttitle = {On the Interpretation and Use of Mediation},
  author = {Agler, Robert and De Boeck, Paul},
  date = {2017},
  journaltitle = {Frontiers in Psychology},
  volume = {8},
  issn = {1664-1078},
  url = {https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2017.01984},
  urldate = {2022-10-26},
  abstract = {Mediation analysis has become a very popular approach in psychology, and it is one that is associated with multiple perspectives that are often at odds, often implicitly. Explicitly discussing these perspectives and their motivations, advantages, and disadvantages can help to provide clarity to conversations and research regarding the use and refinement of mediation models. We discuss five such pairs of perspectives on mediation analysis, their associated advantages and disadvantages, and their implications: with vs. without a mediation hypothesis, specific effects vs. a global model, directness vs. indirectness of causation, effect size vs. null hypothesis testing, and hypothesized vs. alternative explanations. Discussion of the perspectives is facilitated by a small simulation study. Some philosophical and linguistic considerations are briefly discussed, as well as some other perspectives we do not develop here.},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Agler_De Boeck2017_On the Interpretation and Use of Mediation.pdf}
}

@article{AlvaredoEtAl2017,
  title = {Global Inequality Dynamics: New Findings from {{WID}}.{{World}}},
  shorttitle = {Global Inequality Dynamics},
  author = {Alvaredo, Facundo and Chancel, Lucas and Piketty, Thomas and Saez, Emmanuel and Zucman, Gabriel},
  date = {2017-05},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  volume = {107},
  number = {5},
  pages = {404--409},
  issn = {00028282},
  url = {https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.p20171095},
  urldate = {2020-08-21},
  abstract = {This paper presents new findings on global inequality dynamics from the World Wealth and Income Database (WID.world), with particular emphasis on the contrast between the trends observed in the United States, China, France, and the United Kingdom. We observe rising top income and wealth shares in nearly all countries in recent decades. But the magnitude of the increase varies substantially, thereby suggesting that different country-specific policies and institutions matter considerably. Long-run wealth inequality dynamics appear to be highly unstable. We stress the need for more democratic transparency on income and wealth dynamics and better access to administrative and financial data.},
  keywords = {and Other Normative Criteria and Measurement D63,and Poverty P36,and Their Distributions D31,and Voting Behavior D72,Economic Development: Human Resources,Education and Training: Welfare,Elections,Equity,Formal and Informal Sectors,Health,Human Development,Income,Income Distribution,Inequality,Institutional Arrangements O17,Institutions and Growth O43,Justice,Legislatures,Lobbying,Migration O15,Personal Income,Political Processes: Rent-seeking,Shadow Economy,Socialist Institutions and Their Transitions: Consumer Economics,Wealth},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:59Z}
}

@article{AndersenCurtis2012,
  title = {The Polarizing Effect of Economic Inequality on Class Identification: Evidence from 44 Countries},
  shorttitle = {The Polarizing Effect of Economic Inequality on Class Identification},
  author = {Andersen, Robert and Curtis, Josh},
  date = {2012-03},
  journaltitle = {Research in Social Stratification and Mobility},
  volume = {30},
  number = {1},
  pages = {129--141},
  issn = {0276-5624},
  doi = {10.1016/j.rssm.2012.01.002},
  abstract = {Using cumulative logit mixed models fitted to World Values Survey data from 44 countries, we explore the impact of economic conditions \textendash{} both at the individual-level and the national-level \textendash{} on social class identification. Consistent with previous research, we find a positive relationship between household income and class identification in all countries that we explore, though this relationship varies substantially. Also corroborating previous research, we find that `low' class identifications are more likely in poor countries than in rich ones. However, in contrast to previous research that has neglected the role of inequality, our results indicate that the effect of economic development diminishes if income inequality is considered in the same model. We further demonstrate that income inequality has an important polarizing effect on class identification. Specifically, the relationship between household income and class identity tends to be strongest in countries with a high level of income inequality.},
  keywords = {Class awareness,Class identification,Economic development,income inequality,Income inequality},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:56Z}
}

@article{AndersonSinger2008,
  title = {The Sensitive Left and the Impervious Right: Multilevel Models and the Politics of Inequality, Ideology, and Legitimacy in Europe},
  shorttitle = {The Sensitive Left and the Impervious Right},
  author = {Anderson, Christopher J. and Singer, Matthew M.},
  date = {2008-04},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {41},
  number = {4-5},
  pages = {564--599},
  publisher = {{SAGE Publications Inc}},
  issn = {0010-4140},
  doi = {10.1177/0010414007313113},
  abstract = {Recent years have seen increased attention to integrating what we know about individual citizens with what we know about macro-level contexts that vary across countries. This article discusses the growing literature on how people's interpretations, opinions, and actions are shaped by variable contextual parameters and provides a novel substantive application. Using surveys conducted in 20 European democracies, the authors examine the effect of income inequality on people's attitudes about the functioning of the political system and trust in public institutions. They find that citizens in countries with higher levels of income inequality express more negative attitudes toward public institutions. Moreover, they show that the negative effect of inequality on attitudes toward the political system is particularly powerful among individuals on the political left. In contrast, inequality's negative effect on people's faith in the system is muted among those on the right.},
  langid = {english},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:57Z}
}

@article{BagchiSvejnar2015,
  title = {Does Wealth Inequality Matter for Growth? {{The}} Effect of Billionaire Wealth, Income Distribution, and Poverty},
  shorttitle = {Does Wealth Inequality Matter for Growth?},
  author = {Bagchi, Sutirtha and Svejnar, Jan},
  date = {2015-08},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Comparative Economics},
  volume = {43},
  number = {3},
  pages = {505--530},
  issn = {01475967},
  doi = {10.1016/j.jce.2015.04.002},
  abstract = {Bagchi, Sutirtha, and Svejnar, Jan\textemdash Does wealth inequality matter for growth? The effect of billionaire wealth, income distribution, and poverty A fundamental question in social sciences relates to the effect of wealth inequality on economic growth. Yet, in tackling the question, researchers have had to use income as a proxy for wealth. We derive a global measure of wealth inequality from Forbes magazine's listing of billionaires and compare its effect on growth to the effects of income inequality and poverty. Our results suggest that wealth inequality has a negative relationship with economic growth, but when we control for the fact that some billionaires acquired wealth through political connections, the relationship between politically connected wealth inequality and economic growth is negative, while politically unconnected wealth inequality, income inequality, and initial poverty have no significant relationship. Journal of Comparative Economics 43 (3) (2015) 505\textendash 530. Villanova School of Business, Villanova University, Villanova, PA, USA; School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University, NY, USA and CEPR, IZA, CERGE-EI. \textcopyright{} 2015 Association for Comparative Economic Studies. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.},
  langid = {english},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:56Z}
}

@article{BaldwinHuber2010,
  title = {Economic versus Cultural Differences: Forms of Ethnic Diversity and Public Goods Provision},
  author = {Baldwin, Kate and Huber, John D.},
  date = {2010},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {104},
  number = {4},
  pages = {644--662},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  issue = {4},
  keywords = {\#nosource},
  timestamp = {2021-05-26T04:24:17Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Baldwin_Huber2010_Economic versus Cultural Differences.pdf}
}

@book{Bartels2008,
  title = {Unequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age},
  shorttitle = {Unequal Democracy},
  author = {Bartels, Larry M.},
  date = {2008},
  publisher = {{Princeton University Press}},
  abstract = {Using a vast swath of data spanning the past six decades, Unequal Democracy debunks many myths about politics in contemporary America, using the widening gap between the rich and the poor to shed disturbing light on the workings of American democracy. Larry Bartels shows the gap between the rich and poor has increased greatly under Republican administrations and decreased slightly under Democrats, leaving America grossly unequal. This is not simply the result of economic forces, but the product of broad-reaching policy choices in a political system dominated by partisan ideologies and the interests of the wealthy. Bartels demonstrates that elected officials respond to the views of affluent constituents but ignore the views of poor people. He shows that Republican presidents in particular have consistently produced much less income growth for middle-class and working-poor families than for affluent families, greatly increasing inequality. He provides revealing case studies of key policy shifts contributing to inequality, including the massive Bush tax cuts of 2001 and 2003 and the erosion of the minimum wage. Finally, he challenges conventional explanations for why many voters seem to vote against their own economic interests, contending that working-class voters have not been lured into the Republican camp by "values issues" like abortion and gay marriage, as commonly believed, but that Republican presidents have been remarkably successful in timing income growth to cater to short-sighted voters. Unequal Democracy is social science at its very best. It provides a deep and searching analysis of the political causes and consequences of America's growing income gap, and a sobering assessment of the capacity of the American political system to live up to its democratic ideals.},
  isbn = {1-4008-2835-X},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Political Science / General,Political Science / History \& Theory,Political Science / Public Policy / Economic Policy},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:10:30Z}
}

@article{BlairEtAl2014a,
  title = {Comparing and Combining List and Endorsement Experiments: Evidence from Afghanistan},
  author = {Blair, Graeme and Imai, Kosuke and Lyall, Jason},
  date = {2014},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {58},
  pages = {1043--1063},
  publisher = {{Wiley Online Library}},
  owner = {Yue Hu},
  keywords = {list experiment},
  timestamp = {2019-10-29T01:14:50Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Blair et al_2014_Comparing and Combining List and Endorsement Experiments - Evidence from.pdf}
}

@article{BouckaertVanDeWalle2003,
  title = {Comparing Measures of Citizen Trust and User Satisfaction as Indicators of                `Good Governance': Difficulties in Linking Trust and                Satisfaction Indicators},
  shorttitle = {Comparing Measures of Citizen Trust and User Satisfaction as Indicators of                `Good Governance'},
  author = {Bouckaert, Geert and family=Walle, given=Steven, prefix=van de, useprefix=true},
  date = {2003-09-01},
  journaltitle = {International Review of Administrative Sciences},
  volume = {69},
  number = {3},
  pages = {329--343},
  publisher = {{SAGE Publications Ltd}},
  issn = {0020-8523},
  doi = {10.1177/0020852303693003},
  urldate = {2022-11-23},
  abstract = {Until recently, public administration mainly used so-called ?hard indicators?, such as resources and outputs, to monitor performance. Increased attention on accountability and issues around impacts and outcomes have stimulated the introduction of ?soft? indicators?e.g. citizen and user satisfaction targets. Moreover, there is increased demand for information on performance in relation to ?governance? as a whole, including ?quality of life? indicators. Politicians, journalists and citizens increasingly express their worries about a decreasing level of trust in government and the detrimental effects this has on government and on the cohesion of society?they appear to assume that more trust and more satisfaction equal better governance. Increasing the quality of governance will thus also lead to citizens who are more satisfied and more trusting. This article shows that current attempts to measure trust and satisfaction in government are misleading if they claim to be measuring good governance for two reasons. First, satisfaction is difficult to measure and very service-specific. Second, trust in government is easier to measure but its linkages with good governance are far from clear. Even when trust in government can be measured, it is not at all clear whether changes in the level of trust are actually influenced by government-related factors. We suggest, finally, the hypothesis that trust could be insufficient but necessarily part of a set of indicators which are unnecessary but sufficient for good governance.},
  issue = {3},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{CatterbergMoreno2006,
  title = {The Individual Bases of Political Trust: Trends in New and Established Democracies},
  shorttitle = {The Individual Bases of Political Trust},
  author = {Catterberg, Gabriela and Moreno, Alejandro},
  date = {2006-03},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
  shortjournal = {Int J Public Opin Res},
  volume = {18},
  number = {1},
  pages = {31--48},
  issn = {0954-2892},
  doi = {10.1093/ijpor/edh081},
  abstract = {Abstract. The expansion of democracy in the world has been paradoxically accompanied by a decline of political trust. By looking at the trends in political tru},
  langid = {english},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:11:58Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Catterberg_Moreno_2006_The individual bases of political trust - Trends in new and established.pdf}
}

@book{ChenDickson2010,
  ids = {ChenDickson2010a},
  title = {Allies of the State: China's Private Entrepreneurs and Democratic Change},
  author = {Chen, Jie and Dickson, Bruce J.},
  date = {2010},
  publisher = {{Harvard University Press}},
  owner = {Sammo},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:11:54Z}
}

@article{ChenEtAl1997,
  title = {The Level and Sources of Popular Support for China's Current Political Regime},
  author = {Chen, Jie and Zhong, Yang and Hillard, Jan William},
  date = {1997},
  journaltitle = {Communist and Post-Communist Studies},
  volume = {30},
  number = {1},
  pages = {45--64},
  issn = {0967-067X},
  keywords = {article Regime Support Politics SURVEY DATA AND POLLING DATA China,People's Republic of PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA},
  timestamp = {2019-04-18T02:46:36Z}
}

@article{ClaypoolEtAl2018,
  title = {Tsar Putin and the "Corruption" Thorn in His Side: The Demobilization of Votes in a Competitive Authoritarian Regime},
  author = {Claypool, Vicki Hesli and Reisinger, William and Zaloznaya, Marina and Hu, Yue and Juehring, Jenny},
  date = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Electoral Studies},
  volume = {54},
  pages = {182--204},
  abstract = {In this article, we argue that citizens' personal exposure to corrupt transactions with bureaucrats, many of whom are the only representatives of the state these people encounter, leads to a conclusion that the political leadership is corrupt and, therefore, undeserving of electoral support. To provide empirical support for this thesis, we first justify our case for analysis by discussing the significance of voting in authoritarian systems. While scholars have explained the function of semi-competitive elections in non-democratic systems, few have actually studied how citizens make their electoral choices in such contexts. We fill this gap by validating a "demobilization" model of voting in competitive authoritarian regimes. We show that even though voting in such systems is unlikely to bring about regime change, citizens do use elections to express their political preferences and their opinions about the performance of their leaders. Most significant is our identification of two causal paths by which individual contact with corrupt officials undermines Vladimir Putin's electoral support. Our demobilization model also specifies the nuanced mechanisms, both direct and indirect, by which other well-established predictors affect turnout and vote choice in an authoritarian context.},
  copyright = {All rights reserved},
  langid = {english},
  timestamp = {2021-02-02T03:10:05Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Claypool et al2018_Tsar Putin and the 'Corruption' Thorn in his Side.pdf}
}

@article{CordovaSeligson2010,
  title = {Economic Shocks and Democratic Vulnerabilities in Latin America and the Caribbean},
  author = {C\'ordova, Abby and Seligson, Mitchell A.},
  date = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Latin American Politics and Society},
  volume = {52},
  number = {2},
  eprint = {40660523},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {1--35},
  publisher = {{[University of Miami, Wiley, Center for Latin American Studies at the University of Miami]}},
  issn = {1531-426X},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/40660523},
  urldate = {2020-08-18},
  abstract = {Historical evidence suggests that bad economic times often mean bad times for democracy, but prior research has given us little guidance on how this process may work. What economic conditions are most threatening, and how might they weaken consolidating democracies? This article uses the AmericasBarometer conducted by the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) to answer these questions by focusing on core attitudes for the consolidation of democracy. We use survey data at the level of the individual and economic data at the country level to help detect democratic vulnerabilities in Latin America and the Caribbean. The study finds that conditions of low levels of economic development, low economic growth, and high levels of income inequality increase those vulnerabilities substantially, but the effects are not uniform across individuals. Some groups, especially the young and the poor, are particularly vulnerable to some antidemocratic appeals.},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:57Z}
}

@article{Cozzolino2011,
  title = {Trust, Cooperation, and Equality: A Psychological Analysis of the Formation of Social Capital},
  shorttitle = {Trust, Cooperation, and Equality},
  author = {Cozzolino, Philip J.},
  date = {2011},
  journaltitle = {British Journal of Social Psychology},
  volume = {50},
  number = {2},
  pages = {302--320},
  issn = {2044-8309},
  doi = {10.1348/014466610X519610},
  abstract = {Research suggests that in modern Western culture there is a positive relationship between the equality of resources and the formation of trust and cooperation, two psychological components of social capital. Two studies elucidate the psychological processes underlying that relationship. Study 1 experimentally tested the influence of resource distributions on the formation of trust and intentions to cooperate; individuals receiving a deficit of resources and a surplus of resources evidenced lower levels of social capital (i.e., trust and cooperation) than did individuals receiving equal amounts. Analyses revealed the process was affective for deficit participants and cognitive for surplus participants. Study 2 provided suggestive support for the affective-model of equality and social capital using proxy variables in the 1996 General Social Survey data set. Results suggest support for a causal path of unequal resource distributions generating affective experiences and cognitive concerns of justice, which mediate disengagement and distrust of others.},
  copyright = {\textcopyright 2010 The British Psychological Society},
  langid = {english},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:59Z}
}

@article{CraigEtAl1990,
  title = {Political Efficacy and Trust: A Report on the {{NES}} Pilot Study Items},
  author = {Craig, Stephen C. and Niemi, Richard G. and Silver, Glenn E.},
  date = {1990},
  journaltitle = {Political Behavior},
  volume = {12},
  number = {3},
  pages = {289--314},
  publisher = {{Springer}},
  keywords = {external efficacy,internal efficacy,political trust},
  timestamp = {2019-10-29T01:14:50Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Craig et al1990_Political Efficacy and Trust - A Report on the NES Pilot Study Items.pdf}
}

@book{Dahl1973,
  ids = {Dahl2008},
  title = {Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition},
  shorttitle = {Polyarchy},
  author = {Dahl, Robert Alan},
  date = {1973},
  publisher = {{Yale University Press}},
  location = {{New Haven, CT}},
  googlebooks = {JcKz2249PQcC},
  isbn = {978-0-300-15357-6},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Political Science / General,Political Science / History \& Theory,Political Science / Political Process / General},
  timestamp = {2021-01-21T08:44:38Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Dahl_1973_Polyarchy - Participation and Opposition.pdf}
}

@article{DaiEtAl2020,
  title = {Inequality and Social Capital: How Inequality in China's Housing Assets Affects People's Trust},
  shorttitle = {Inequality and Social Capital},
  author = {Dai, Tiantian and Jiang, Shenyi and Sun, Ang and Wu, Sihong},
  date = {2020-02},
  journaltitle = {Emerging Markets Finance and Trade},
  volume = {56},
  number = {3},
  pages = {562--575},
  publisher = {{Routledge}},
  issn = {1540-496X},
  doi = {10.1080/1540496X.2018.1516637},
  abstract = {This article examines how inequality in housing assets affects general trust in society. The economic stimulus package carried out in 2008 in China to tackle the global financial crisis increased housing prices and amplified inequality among residents with various initial housing assets. We apply a difference-in-differences strategy to compare cities with various initial levels of housing asset inequality. An increase in such inequality is found to be associated with a lower level of trust. It is also found that in the Chinese context, growing fiscal inequality is further deteriorating trust. These results are most likely driven by concerns regarding social and economic status.},
  keywords = {China,D31,housing prices,inequality,social capital,trust,Z13},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:59Z}
}

@book{Easton1965,
  title = {A Systems Analysis of Political Life},
  author = {Easton, David},
  date = {1965},
  publisher = {{Wiley}},
  location = {{New York}},
  googlebooks = {AvsMAQAAMAAJ},
  langid = {english},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:59Z}
}

@article{EppJennings2020,
  title = {Inequality, Media Frames, and Public Support for Welfare},
  author = {Epp, Derek A and Jennings, Jay T},
  date = {2020-23},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {84},
  number = {3},
  pages = {629--653},
  publisher = {{Oxford University Press / USA}},
  issn = {0033362X},
  doi = {10.1093/poq/nfaa043},
  urldate = {2022-05-19},
  abstract = {The political preferences of those with high and low incomes are highly correlated, and both groups become less supportive of redistributive spending as economic inequality increases. This article looks for a source of these interincome group correlations by examining trends in media coverage. We find that during periods of higher inequality, media coverage is more likely to focus on the personal characteristics of welfare recipients rather than the social consequences and causes of poverty. Observational and experimental data indicate that this shift in media frames can predict declining support for welfare spending, even for those with lower incomes who might benefit from redistribution. These findings help explain the reactions of the American public to rising inequality.},
  issue = {3},
  keywords = {Equality,Frames (Social sciences),Mass media,Public opinion,Public welfare policy}
}

@article{EspinalEtAl2006,
  title = {Performance Still Matters: Explaining Trust in Government in the Dominican Republic},
  author = {Espinal, Rosario and Hartlyn, Jonathan and Kelly, Jana Morgan},
  date = {2006},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {39},
  number = {2},
  pages = {200--223},
  publisher = {{Sage PublicationsSage CA: Thousand Oaks, CA}},
  doi = {10.1177/0010414005281933},
  urldate = {2022-11-23},
  abstract = {What explains low levels of trust in government institutions in democratizing Latin American countries? The authors examine this question in the Dominican Repub...},
  issue = {2},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{Fukuyama2013,
  title = {What Is Governance?},
  author = {Fukuyama, Francis},
  date = {2013},
  journaltitle = {Governance-an International Journal of Policy and Administration},
  volume = {26},
  number = {3},
  pages = {347--368},
  keywords = {\#nosource},
  timestamp = {2021-05-26T04:21:37Z}
}

@article{Gelman2008,
  title = {Scaling Regression Inputs by Dividing by Two Standard Deviations},
  author = {Gelman, Andrew},
  date = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Statistics in Medicine},
  volume = {27},
  number = {15},
  pages = {2865--873},
  timestamp = {2021-05-28T23:35:48Z}
}

@article{GerringCojocaru2016,
  title = {Selecting Cases for Intensive Analysis: A Diversity of Goals and Methods},
  shorttitle = {Selecting Cases for Intensive Analysis},
  author = {Gerring, John and Cojocaru, Lee},
  date = {2016-08},
  journaltitle = {Sociological Methods \& Research},
  volume = {45},
  number = {3},
  pages = {392--423},
  publisher = {{SAGE Publications Inc}},
  issn = {0049-1241},
  doi = {10.1177/0049124116631692},
  abstract = {This study revisits the task of case selection in case study research, proposing a new typology of strategies that is explicit, disaggregated, and relatively comprehensive. A secondary goal is to explore the prospects for case selection by algorithm, aka ex ante, automatic, quantitative, systematic, or model-based case selection. We lay out a suggested protocol and then discuss its viability. Our conclusion is that it is a valuable tool in certain circumstances, but should probably not determine the final choice of cases unless the chosen sample is medium-sized. Our third goal is to discuss the viability of medium-n samples for case study research, an approach closely linked to algorithmic case selection and occasionally practiced by case study researchers. We argue that medium-n samples occupy an unstable methodological position, lacking the advantages of efficiency promised by traditional, small-n case studies but also lacking the advantages of representativeness promised by large-n samples.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {case selection,case study,methodology,qualitative methods,social science},
  timestamp = {2021-05-17T02:11:04Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Gerring_Cojocaru_2016_Selecting Cases for Intensive Analysis - A Diversity of Goals and Methods.pdf;D\:\\zotero_system\\storage\\Y4UFXGF2\\Gerring_Cojocaru2016_Selecting Cases for Intensive Analysis.pdf}
}

@article{GibsonEtAl1998,
  title = {On the Legitimacy of National High Courts},
  author = {Gibson, James L. and Caldeira, Gregory A. and Baird, Vanessa A.},
  date = {1998-06},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {92},
  number = {2},
  pages = {343--358},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  issn = {0003-0554, 1537-5943},
  doi = {10.2307/2585668},
  urldate = {2022-11-28},
  abstract = {The purpose of this research is to examine theories of diffuse support and institutional legitimacy by testing hypotheses about the interrelationships among the salience of courts, satisfaction with court outputs, and diffuse support for national high courts. Like our predecessors, we are constrained by essentially cross-sectional data; unlike them, we analyze mass attitudes toward high courts in eighteen countries. Because our sample includes many countries with newly formed high courts, our cross-sectional data support several longitudinal inferences, using the age of the judicial institution as an independent variable. We discover that the U.S. Supreme Court is not unique in the esteem in which it is held and, like other courts, it profits from a tendency of people to credit it for pleasing decisions but not to penalize it for displeasing ones. Generally, older courts more successfully link specific and diffuse support, most likely due to satisfying successive, nonoverlapping constituencies.},
  langid = {english}
}

@book{Gilens2014,
  title = {Affluence and Influence: Economic Inequality and Political Power in America},
  shorttitle = {Affluence and Influence},
  author = {Gilens, Martin},
  date = {2014-04},
  edition = {Reprint edition},
  publisher = {{Princeton University Press}},
  location = {{Princeton, N.J; New York}},
  abstract = {Can a country be a democracy if its government only responds to the preferences of the rich? In an ideal democracy, all citizens should have equal influence on government policy\textendash but as this book demonstrates, America's policymakers respond almost exclusively to the preferences of the economically advantaged. Affluence and Influence definitively explores how political inequality in the United States has evolved over the last several decades and how this growing disparity has been shaped by interest groups, parties, and elections. With sharp analysis and an impressive range of data, Martin Gilens looks at thousands of proposed policy changes, and the degree of support for each among poor, middle-class, and affluent Americans. His findings are staggering: when preferences of low- or middle-income Americans diverge from those of the affluent, there is virtually no relationship between policy outcomes and the desires of less advantaged groups. In contrast, affluent Americans' preferences exhibit a substantial relationship with policy outcomes whether their preferences are shared by lower-income groups or not. Gilens shows that representational inequality is spread widely across different policy domains and time periods. Yet Gilens also shows that under specific circumstances the preferences of the middle class and, to a lesser extent, the poor, do seem to matter. In particular, impending elections\textendash especially presidential elections\textendash and an even partisan division in Congress mitigate representational inequality and boost responsiveness to the preferences of the broader public. At a time when economic and political inequality in the United States only continues to rise, Affluence and Influence raises important questions about whether American democracy is truly responding to the needs of all its citizens.},
  isbn = {978-0-691-16242-3},
  langid = {english},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:10:30Z}
}

@article{GimpelsonTreisman2018,
  ids = {GimpelsonTreisman2018a},
  title = {Misperceiving Inequality},
  author = {Gimpelson, Vladimir and Treisman, Daniel},
  date = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Economics \& Politics},
  volume = {30},
  number = {1},
  pages = {27--54},
  abstract = {Since Aristotle, a vast literature has suggested that economic inequality has important political consequences. Higher inequality is thought to increase demand for government income redistribution in democracies and to discourage democratization and promote class conflict and revolution in dictatorships. Most such arguments crucially assume that ordinary people know how high inequality is, how it has been changing, and where they fit in the income distribution. Using a variety of large, cross-national surveys, we show that, in recent years, ordinary people have had little idea about such things. What they think they know is often wrong. Widespread ignorance and misperceptions of inequality emerge robustly, regardless of the data source, operationalization, and method of measurement. Moreover, we show that the perceived level of inequality\textemdash and not the actual level\textemdash correlates strongly with demand for redistribution and reported conflict between rich and poor. We suggest that most theories about political effects of inequality need to be either abandoned or reframed as theories about the effects of perceived inequality.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {biased perceptions,income distribution,inequality,preferences for redistribution,public policy},
  timestamp = {2021-01-21T08:30:50Z},
  file = {D\:\\zotero_system\\storage\\A39NB29S\\Gimpelson_Treisman2018_Misperceiving inequality.pdf;D\:\\zotero_system\\storage\\UTWFIUWP\\ecpo.html}
}

@article{HaggardKaufman2012,
  ids = {HaggardKaufman2012a,haggard<sub>i</sub>nequality₂012},
  title = {Inequality and Regime Change: Democratic Transitions and the Stability of Democratic Rule},
  author = {Haggard, Stephan and Kaufman, Robert R.},
  date = {2012},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {106},
  number = {03},
  pages = {495--516},
  publisher = {{Cambridge Univ Press}},
  keywords = {Conflict,Democratization,Expectations,Stability},
  timestamp = {2021-01-21T08:33:54Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Haggard_Kaufman_2012_Inequality and Regime Change - Democratic Transitions and the Stability of.pdf;D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Haggard_Kaufman2012_Inequality and Regime Change.pdf}
}

@article{Hall1988,
  title = {Theoretical Comparison of Bootstrap Confidence Intervals},
  author = {Hall, Peter},
  date = {1988},
  journaltitle = {The Annals of Statistics},
  volume = {16},
  number = {3},
  eprint = {2241604},
  eprinttype = {jstor},
  pages = {927--953},
  publisher = {{Institute of Mathematical Statistics}},
  issn = {0090-5364},
  url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/2241604},
  urldate = {2021-01-16},
  abstract = {We develop a unified framework within which many commonly used bootstrap critical points and confidence intervals may be discussed and compared. In all, seven different bootstrap methods are examined, each being usable in both parametric and nonparametric contexts. Emphasis is on the way in which the methods cope with first- and second-order departures from normality. Percentile-t and accelerated bias-correction emerge as the most promising of existing techniques. Certain other methods are shown to lead to serious errors in coverage and position of critical point. An alternative approach, based on "shortest" bootstrap confidence intervals, is developed. We also make several more technical contributions. In particular, we confirm Efron's conjecture that accelerated bias-correction is second-order correct in a variety of multivariate circumstances, and give a simple interpretation of the acceleration constant.},
  timestamp = {2021-01-16T01:30:42Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Hall_1988_Theoretical Comparison of Bootstrap Confidence Intervals.pdf;D\:\\zotero_system\\storage\\X3BUEWVW\\Hall1988_Theoretical Comparison of Bootstrap Confidence Intervals.pdf}
}

@article{HauserNorton2017,
  title = {(Mis)Perceptions of Inequality},
  author = {Hauser, Oliver P and Norton, Michael I},
  date = {2017-12},
  journaltitle = {Current Opinion in Psychology},
  series = {Inequality and Social Class},
  volume = {18},
  pages = {21--25},
  issn = {2352-250X},
  doi = {10.1016/j.copsyc.2017.07.024},
  abstract = {Laypeople's beliefs about the current distribution of outcomes such as income and wealth in their country influence their attitudes toward issues ranging from taxation to healthcare \textemdash{} but how accurate are these beliefs? We review the burgeoning literature on (mis)perceptions of inequality. First, we show that people on average misperceive current levels of inequality, typically underestimating the extent of inequality in their country. Second, we delineate potential causes of these misperceptions, including people's overreliance on cues from their local environment, leading to their erroneous beliefs about both the overall distributions of wealth and income and their place in those distributions. Third, we document that these (mis)perceptions of inequality \textemdash{} but not actual levels of inequality \textemdash{} drive behavior and preferences for redistribution. More promisingly, we review research suggesting that correcting misperceptions influences preferences and policy outcomes.},
  langid = {english},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:10:31Z}
}

@book{Huang2020,
  title = {Social {{Protection}} under {{Authoritarianism}}: {{Health Politics}} and {{Policy}} in {{China}}},
  shorttitle = {Social {{Protection}} under {{Authoritarianism}}},
  author = {Huang, Xian},
  date = {2020-08-31},
  edition = {1st edition},
  publisher = {{Oxford University Press}},
  location = {{New York, NY}},
  abstract = {Why would an authoritarian regime expand social welfare provision in the absence of democratization? Yet China, the world's largest and most powerful authoritarian state, has expanded its social health insurance system at an unprecedented rate, increasing enrollment from 20 percent of its population in 2000 to 95 percent in 2012. Significantly, people who were uninsured, such as peasants and the urban poor, are now covered, but their insurance is less comprehensive than that of China's elite. With the wellbeing of 1.4 billion people and the stability of the regime at stake, social health insurance is now a major political issue for Chinese leadership and ordinary citizens. In Social Protection under Authoritarianism, Xian Huang analyzes the transformation of China's social health insurance in the first decade of the 2000s, addressing its expansion and how it is distributed. Drawing from government documents, filed interviews, survey data, and government statistics, she reveals that Chinese leaders have a strategy of "stratified expansion," perpetuating a particularly privileged program for the elites while developing an essentially modest health provision for the masses. She contends that this strategy effectively balances between elites and masses to maximize the regime's prospects of stability.In China's multilevel governance, both centralized and decentralized structures are involved in the distribution of social health insurance. When local leaders implement the stratified expansion of social health insurance, they respond to varied local conditions. As a result, China's health insurance policies differ dramatically across subnational regions as well as socioeconomic groups. Providing an in-depth look into China's health insurance system, this book sheds light not only on Chinese politics, but also on how social benefits function in authoritarian regimes and decentralized multilevel governance settings.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-007364-0},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {280}
}

@article{HuoEtAl1996,
  title = {Superordinate Identification, Subgroup Identification, and Justice Concerns: Is Separatism the Problem; Is Assimilation the Answer?},
  shorttitle = {Superordinate Identification, Subgroup Identification, and Justice Concerns},
  author = {Huo, Yuen J. and Smith, Heather J. and Tyler, Tom R. and Lind, E. Allan},
  date = {1996-01-01},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Science},
  shortjournal = {Psychol Sci},
  volume = {7},
  number = {1},
  pages = {40--45},
  publisher = {{SAGE Publications Inc}},
  issn = {0956-7976},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9280.1996.tb00664.x},
  urldate = {2022-11-28},
  abstract = {The diversity of American society raises concerns about whether authorities can maintain social cohesion amid competing interests and values The group-value model of justice suggests that authorities function more effectively when they are perceived as fair (e g, benevolent, neutral, and respectful) However, such relational evaluations may be effective only if authorities represent a group with which people identify In a diverse society, subgroup memberships may assume special importance People who identify predominantly with a subgroup may focus on instrumental issues when evaluating a superordinate-group authority, and conflicts with that authority may escalate if those people do not receive favorable outcomes Results indicate that subgroup identification creates problems for authorities only when people have strong subgroup identification and weak superordinate-group identification As long as people identify strongly with the superordinate group, even if they also identify strongly with their subgroup, relational issues will dominate reactions to authorities},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{HutchisonJohnson2011,
  title = {Capacity to Trust? {{Institutional}} Capacity, Conflict, and Political Trust in Africa, 2000\textendash 2005},
  shorttitle = {Capacity to Trust?},
  author = {Hutchison, Marc L and Johnson, Kristin},
  date = {2011-11},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Peace Research},
  volume = {48},
  number = {6},
  pages = {737--752},
  publisher = {{SAGE Publications Ltd}},
  issn = {0022-3433},
  doi = {10.1177/0022343311417981},
  abstract = {Civil conflict and state failure has often been linked to breakdowns in regime legitimacy. Trust in government is a critical element of regime legitimacy and the state's ability to mediate between the demands of competing groups within society. We contend that government capability is a primary factor in shaping individuals' ascription of legitimacy to the state. Capable governments foster perceptions of legitimacy while poor institutional performance decreases the degree to which individuals trust their government. While some tests of this relationship exist in extant literature, much of the work fails to integrate both micro- and macro-level factors, is confined to regions with established state performance, or is based on single-country studies. Our approach avoids many of these deficiencies by using 32 Afrobarometer surveys collected across 16 different countries from 2000 to 2005 and employing hierarchical linear models to estimate the effects of temporal-specific, state-level variables on levels of individual trust. We find that higher institutional capacity is associated with increased levels of individual trust in government across African countries. Furthermore, we demonstrate that this effect on political trust is independent of other individual-level attitudes, socio-economic characteristics, and a state's prior internal conflicts.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Africa,conflict,multilevel modeling,political capacity,political trust},
  timestamp = {2021-01-16T04:37:46Z}
}

@article{ImaiEtAl2010,
  title = {Identification, Inference and Sensitivity Analysis for Causal Mediation Effects},
  author = {Imai, Kosuke and Keele, Luke and Yamamoto, Teppei},
  date = {2010-02},
  journaltitle = {Statistical Science},
  volume = {25},
  number = {1},
  pages = {51--71},
  publisher = {{Institute of Mathematical Statistics}},
  issn = {0883-4237, 2168-8745},
  doi = {10.1214/10-STS321},
  urldate = {2022-05-11},
  abstract = {Causal mediation analysis is routinely conducted by applied researchers in a variety of disciplines. The goal of such an analysis is to investigate alternative causal mechanisms by examining the roles of intermediate variables that lie in the causal paths between the treatment and outcome variables. In this paper we first prove that under a particular version of sequential ignorability assumption, the average causal mediation effect (ACME) is nonparametrically identified. We compare our identification assumption with those proposed in the literature. Some practical implications of our identification result are also discussed. In particular, the popular estimator based on the linear structural equation model (LSEM) can be interpreted as an ACME estimator once additional parametric assumptions are made. We show that these assumptions can easily be relaxed within and outside of the LSEM framework and propose simple nonparametric estimation strategies. Second, and perhaps most importantly, we propose a new sensitivity analysis that can be easily implemented by applied researchers within the LSEM framework. Like the existing identifying assumptions, the proposed sequential ignorability assumption may be too strong in many applied settings. Thus, sensitivity analysis is essential in order to examine the robustness of empirical findings to the possible existence of an unmeasured confounder. Finally, we apply the proposed methods to a randomized experiment from political psychology. We also make easy-to-use software available to implement the proposed methods.},
  keywords = {Causal inference,causal mediation analysis,direct and indirect effects,linear structural equation models,sequential ignorability,unmeasured confounders},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Imai et al2010_Identification, Inference and Sensitivity Analysis for Causal Mediation Effects2.pdf}
}

@article{ImaiEtAl2010a,
  title = {A General Approach to Causal Mediation Analysis},
  author = {Imai, Kosuke and Keele, Luke and Tingley, Dustin},
  date = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Methods},
  volume = {15},
  number = {4},
  pages = {309--334},
  publisher = {{American Psychological Association}},
  location = {{US}},
  issn = {1939-1463},
  doi = {10.1037/a0020761},
  abstract = {Traditionally in the social sciences, causal mediation analysis has been formulated, understood, and implemented within the framework of linear structural equation models. We argue and demonstrate that this is problematic for 3 reasons: the lack of a general definition of causal mediation effects independent of a particular statistical model, the inability to specify the key identification assumption, and the difficulty of extending the framework to nonlinear models. In this article, we propose an alternative approach that overcomes these limitations. Our approach is general because it offers the definition, identification, estimation, and sensitivity analysis of causal mediation effects without reference to any specific statistical model. Further, our approach explicitly links these 4 elements closely together within a single framework. As a result, the proposed framework can accommodate linear and nonlinear relationships, parametric and nonparametric models, continuous and discrete mediators, and various types of outcome variables. The general definition and identification result also allow us to develop sensitivity analysis in the context of commonly used models, which enables applied researchers to formally assess the robustness of their empirical conclusions to violations of the key assumption. We illustrate our approach by applying it to the Job Search Intervention Study. We also offer easy-to-use software that implements all our proposed methods. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved)},
  keywords = {Causal Analysis,Statistical Measurement,Structural Equation Modeling},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Imai et al. - 2010 - A General Approach to Causal Mediation Analysis.pdf;D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Imaiet al2010_A general approach to causal mediation analysis2.pdf}
}

@article{ImaiEtAl2011,
  title = {Unpacking the Black Box of Causality: Learning about Causal Mechanisms from Experimental and Observational Studies},
  shorttitle = {Unpacking the Black Box of Causality},
  author = {Imai, Kosuke and Keele, Luke and Tingley, Dustin and Yamamoto, Teppei},
  date = {2011},
  journaltitle = {American Political Science Review},
  volume = {105},
  number = {4},
  pages = {765--789},
  publisher = {{[American Political Science Association, Cambridge University Press]}},
  issn = {0003-0554},
  doi = {10.2307/23275352},
  abstract = {Identifying causal mechanisms is a fundamental goal of social science. Researchers seek to study not only whether one variable affects another but also how such a causal relationship arises. Yet commonly used statistical methods for identifying causal mechanisms rely upon untestable assumptions and are often inappropriate even under those assumptions. Randomizing treatment and intermediate variables is also insufficient. Despite these difficulties, the study of causal mechanisms is too important to abandon. We make three contributions to improve research on causal mechanisms. First, we present a minimum set of assumptions required under standard designs of experimental and observational studies and develop a general algorithm for estimating causal mediation effects. Second, we provide a method for assessing the sensitivity of conclusions to potential violations of a key assumption. Third, we offer alternative research designs for identifying causal mechanisms under weaker assumptions. The proposed approach is illustrated using media framing experiments and incumbency advantage studies.},
  keywords = {cma,medation},
  timestamp = {2020-08-18T05:25:49Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Imai et al_2011_Unpacking the Black Box of Causality - Learning about Causal Mechanisms from.pdf}
}

@article{ImMeng2016,
  title = {The {{Policy}}\textendash{{Opinion Nexus}}: {{The Impact}} of {{Social Protection Programs}} on {{Welfare Policy Preferences}} in {{China}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Policy}}\textendash{{Opinion Nexus}}},
  author = {Im, Dong-Kyun and Meng, Tianguang},
  date = {2016-06-01},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
  shortjournal = {International Journal of Public Opinion Research},
  volume = {28},
  number = {2},
  pages = {241--268},
  issn = {0954-2892},
  doi = {10.1093/ijpor/edv013},
  urldate = {2022-05-03},
  abstract = {This study investigates the policy\textendash opinion nexus in China. Using nationally representative survey data and propensity score matching, it examines the effect of policy on opinions in four welfare domains: pension, educational subsidies, health care, and minimum livelihood assistance. Our findings show that individuals' experience with welfare policy tends to reinforce the idea that the government should take responsibility for welfare, and this experience also influences their opinions about other welfare programs. This paper contributes to the literature by using a novel methodological approach and using a new dependent variable concerning individuals' feeling of entitlement for social welfare. The results show strong evidence of the contingent nature of policy feedback process, and show how interpretive effects operate through spillover feedback effects.},
  issue = {2}
}

@book{InglehartWelzel2005,
  title = {Modernization, Cultural Change, and Democracy: The Human Development Sequence},
  shorttitle = {Modernization, Cultural Change, and Democracy : {{The}} Human Development Sequence},
  author = {Inglehart, Ronald and Welzel, Christian},
  date = {2005},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  location = {{Cambridge, UK; New York}},
  abstract = {"This book demonstrates that people's basic values and beliefs are changing, in ways that affect their political, sexual, economic, and religious behavior. These changes are roughly predictable: to a large extent, they can be explained by the revised version of modernization theory presented here. Drawing on a massive body of evidence from societies containing 85 percent of the world's population, the authors demonstrate that modernization is a process of human development, in which economic development gives rise to cultural changes that make individual autonomy, gender equality, and democracy increasingly likely. The authors present a model of social change that predicts how value systems are likely to evolve in coming decades. They demonstrate that mass values play a crucial role in the emergence and flourishing of democratic institutions."\textendash BOOK JACKET.},
  isbn = {9780521846},
  timestamp = {2019-04-28T07:21:20Z}
}

@article{IslamMcGillivray2020,
  title = {Wealth Inequality, Governance and Economic Growth},
  author = {Islam, Md. Rabiul and McGillivray, Mark},
  date = {2020-06},
  journaltitle = {Economic Modelling},
  volume = {88},
  pages = {1--13},
  issn = {0264-9993},
  doi = {10.1016/j.econmod.2019.06.017},
  abstract = {Links between economic growth and inequality are of growing interest for researchers and policy makers. Previous studies of this relationship have focused mainly on inequalities in income rather than in wealth. Yet from many perspectives wealth inequality is arguably more important. Using a new panel data set from Credit Suisse for 45 sample countries over the period 2000\textendash 2012, this study investigates the effects of wealth inequality on economic growth. Empirical results from system GMM estimation suggest that the wealth inequality is negatively associated with cross-country economic growth. This result is robust to alternative estimators and measures of wealth inequality, as well as the econometric specification. Further empirical investigation reveals that impact of wealth inequality on growth is mitigated by better governance.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Governance,Growth,Panel data,Wealth inequality},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:56Z}
}

@article{Janus2010,
  title = {The Influence of Social Desirability Pressures on Expressed Immigration Attitudes},
  author = {Janus, Alexander L.},
  date = {2010},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Quarterly},
  volume = {91},
  number = {4},
  pages = {928--946},
  publisher = {{Wiley Online Library}},
  timestamp = {2019-10-29T01:14:50Z}
}

@article{KaoEtAl2022,
  title = {Minority Language Recognition and Political Trust in Authoritarian Regimes},
  author = {Kao, Jay C. and Liu, Amy H. and Wu, Chun-Ying},
  date = {2022-05-30},
  journaltitle = {Political Research Quarterly},
  shortjournal = {Polit Res Quart},
  volume = {76},
  number = {2},
  pages = {622--635},
  publisher = {{SAGE Publications Inc}},
  issn = {1065-9129},
  doi = {10.1177/10659129221097148},
  urldate = {2022-07-29},
  abstract = {While authoritarian regimes are often characterized by their civil liberty restrictions, some dictatorships acknowledge the ethnolinguistic diversity of their population. Are minorities in multiethnic authoritarian states more likely to trust the government when their language is recognized? In this paper, we argue while recognition of a group's language improves trust in democracies through a substantive representation mechanism, the same cannot be said in authoritarian regimes. Instead, recognition is a mere symbolic gesture. Such window-dressing efforts call attention to the horizontal inequality between hegemon and minority groups\textemdash and such, minority language recognition is associated with negative political trust. We test our argument with the World Values Survey. By identifying which minority groups have been afforded linguistic recognition, we find evidence of a significant\textemdash but negative\textemdash link between recognition and political trust.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {authoritarianism,ethnic politics,language politics,political trust}
}

@article{KeeleEtAl2020,
  title = {The Causal Interpretation of Estimated Associations in Regression Models},
  author = {Keele, Luke and Stevenson, Randolph T. and Elwert, Felix},
  date = {2020-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Science Research and Methods},
  volume = {8},
  number = {1},
  pages = {1--13},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  issn = {2049-8470, 2049-8489},
  doi = {10.1017/psrm.2019.31},
  urldate = {2022-09-11},
  abstract = {A common causal identification strategy in political science is selection on observables. This strategy assumes one observes a set of covariates that is, after statistical adjustment, sufficient to make treatment status as-if random. Under adjustment methods such as matching or inverse probability weighting, coefficients for control variables are treated as nuisance parameters and are not directly estimated. This is in direct contrast to regression approaches where estimated parameters are obtained for all covariates. Analysts often find it tempting to give a causal interpretation to all the parameters in such regression models\textemdash indeed, such interpretations are often central to the proposed research design. In this paper, we ask when we can justify interpreting two or more coefficients in a regression model as causal parameters. We demonstrate that analysts must appeal to causal identification assumptions to give estimates causal interpretations. Under selection on observables, this task is complicated by the fact that more than one causal effect might be identified. We show how causal graphs provide a framework for clearly delineating which effects are presumed to be identified and thus merit a causal interpretation, and which are not. We conclude with a set of recommendations for how researchers should interpret estimates from regression models when causal inference is the goal.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Causal inference,ObsCite},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Keele et al2020_The causal interpretation of estimated associations in regression models.pdf;D\:\\zotero_system\\storage\\UYJ58XCG\\4488EC8925CF8F623CDE655E01268F6F.html}
}

@article{KennyJudd2014,
  title = {Power Anomalies in Testing Mediation},
  author = {Kenny, David A. and Judd, Charles M.},
  date = {2014-02-01},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Science},
  shortjournal = {Psychol Sci},
  volume = {25},
  number = {2},
  pages = {334--339},
  publisher = {{SAGE Publications Inc}},
  issn = {0956-7976},
  doi = {10.1177/0956797613502676},
  urldate = {2022-10-26},
  abstract = {Two rather surprising anomalies relating to statistical power occur in testing mediation. First, in a model with no direct effect for which the total effect and indirect effect are identical, the power for the test of the total effect can be dramatically smaller than the power for the test of the indirect effect. Second, when there is a direct effect of a causal variable on the outcome controlling for the mediator, the power of the test of the indirect effect is often considerably greater than the power of the test of the direct effect, even when the two are of the same magnitude. We try to explain the reasons for these anomalies and how they affect practice.},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{KenworthyMcCall2008,
  title = {Inequality, {{Public Opinion}} and {{Redistribution}}},
  author = {Kenworthy, Lane and McCall, Leslie},
  date = {2008-01-01},
  journaltitle = {Socio-Economic Review},
  shortjournal = {Socio-Economic Review},
  volume = {6},
  number = {1},
  pages = {35--68},
  issn = {1475-1461},
  doi = {10.1093/ser/mwm006},
  urldate = {2022-12-28},
  abstract = {According to the `median-voter' hypothesis, greater inequality in the market distribution of earnings or income tends to produce greater generosity in redistributive policy. We outline the steps in the causal chain specified by the hypothesis and attempt to assess these steps empirically. Prior studies focusing on cross-country variation have found little support for the median-voter model. We examine over-time trends in eight nations during the 1980s and 1990s. Here too the median-voter hypothesis appears to have little utility.},
  issue = {1}
}

@article{KimGandhi2010,
  title = {Coopting Workers under Dictatorship},
  author = {Kim, Wonik and Gandhi, Jennifer},
  date = {2010-07},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {72},
  number = {3},
  pages = {646--658},
  publisher = {{The University of Chicago Press}},
  issn = {0022-3816},
  doi = {10.1017/S0022381610000071},
  urldate = {2022-11-28},
  abstract = {What explains the variance in how authoritarian regimes treat labor? We advance a theory of why and how some dictatorships coopt workers using nominally democratic institutions, such as legislatures and political parties. When dictatorships need cooperation from society and face a potentially strong opposition, they attempt to coopt workers to reinforce their bases of support. As instruments of cooptation, legislatures and parties are useful in facilitating a political exchange between regimes and labor: dictatorships provide material benefits to workers in exchange for labor's quiescence. As a result, institutionalized dictatorships provide more benefits to workers and experience lower levels of labor protest than their noninstitutionalized counterparts. We find empirical support for these hypotheses from a sample of all dictatorships from the 1946\textendash 96 period.}
}

@article{KnutsenRasmussen2018,
  title = {The {{Autocratic Welfare State}}: {{Old-Age Pensions}}, {{Credible Commitments}}, and {{Regime Survival}}},
  shorttitle = {The {{Autocratic Welfare State}}},
  author = {Knutsen, Carl Henrik and Rasmussen, Magnus},
  date = {2018-04-01},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Political Studies},
  shortjournal = {Comparative Political Studies},
  volume = {51},
  number = {5},
  pages = {659--695},
  publisher = {{SAGE Publications Inc}},
  issn = {0010-4140},
  doi = {10.1177/0010414017710265},
  urldate = {2022-03-18},
  abstract = {In this article, we argue that autocratic regimes are no less likely than democracies to adopt old-age pensions, although autocratic programs are less universal in their coverage. Our theoretical argument focuses on the strong incentives that autocratic regimes have for enacting and maintaining such programs to ensure regime survival. Autocratic pension programs can be considered club goods that (a) are targeted to critical supporting groups and (b) solve credible commitment problems on promises of future distribution, thereby mitigating probability of regime breakdown. We test three implications from the argument, drawing on a novel dataset on welfare state programs and including 140 countries with time series from the 1880s. First, we find that autocracies are no less likely than democracies to have old-age pension programs. But, second, autocracies have less universal pension programs than democracies. Third, pension programs effectively reduce the probability of autocratic breakdown.},
  issue = {5},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {autocratic regimes,democratization and regime change,political regimes,public pension systems,welfare state}
}

@article{KrausEtAl2013,
  title = {The Social Ladder: A Rank-Based Perspective on Social Class},
  shorttitle = {The Social Ladder},
  author = {Kraus, Michael W. and Tan, Jacinth J. X. and Tannenbaum, Melanie B.},
  date = {2013-04},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Inquiry},
  volume = {24},
  number = {2},
  pages = {81--96},
  publisher = {{Routledge}},
  issn = {1047-840X},
  doi = {10.1080/1047840X.2013.778803},
  abstract = {Scholars across the social sciences have studied social class for centuries. In this review, we suggest that social class is a fundamental means by which individuals are ranked on the social ladder of society. A rank-based perspective on social class shines light on several future areas of research: Specifically, understanding how social class ranks individuals vis-\`a-vis others leads to predictions about how class is signaled in interactions, influences social cognition and health, is shaped by global economic inequality trends, and changes across the life course. Importantly, our theory highlights the potential of experimental manipulations of social class rank for testing the causal role of social class in shaping basic patterns of cognition, emotion, and behavior. Future predictions regarding the channels of social class rank signals, along with how position on the social ladder shapes political attitudes and interacts with cultural values, are considered.},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:57Z}
}

@article{KrieckhausEtAl2014,
  ids = {KrieckhausEtAl2014a},
  title = {Economic Inequality and Democratic Support},
  author = {Krieckhaus, Jonathan and Son, Byunghwan and Bellinger, Nisha Mukherjee and Wells, Jason M.},
  date = {2014},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {76},
  number = {1},
  pages = {139--151},
  publisher = {{Cambridge Univ Press}},
  timestamp = {2021-01-21T08:34:01Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Krieckhaus et al2014_Economic Inequality and Democratic Support.pdf}
}

@book{Kyriacou2019,
  title = {Inequality and Governance},
  author = {Kyriacou, Andreas P.},
  date = {2019-08},
  publisher = {{Routledge}},
  abstract = {Governance matters for social welfare. Better governed countries are richer, happier and have fewer social and environmental problems. Good governance implies that public sector agents act impartially. It manifests itself in the form of equality before the law, an independent and professional public administration and the control of corruption. This book considers how economic inequality \textendash{} both interpersonal and interethnic \textendash{} can affect the quality of governance. To this end, it brings together insights from three different perspectives. First, a long-run historical one that exploits anthropological data on pre-industrial societies. Second, based on experimental work conducted by social psychologists and behavioural economists. Third, through cross-country empirical analysis drawn from a large sample of contemporary societies. The long-run perspective relates the inequality-governance relationship to societal responses in the face of uncertainty \textendash{} responses that persist today in the guise of cultural traits that vary across countries. The experimental evidence deepens our understanding of human behaviour in unequal settings and in different governance contexts. Together, the long-run perspective and the experimental evidence help inform the cross-country analysis of the impact of economic inequality on governance. This analysis suggests the importance of both economic inequality and culture for the quality of governance and yields several policy implications.},
  googlebooks = {r7utDwAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-1-134-99458-8},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Business \& Economics / Economics / General,Business \& Economics / Economics / Theory,Business \& Economics / General},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:56Z}
}

@article{LeeEtAl2020,
  title = {Economic Performance, Income Inequality and Political Trust: New Evidence from a Cross-National Study of 14 Asian Countries},
  shorttitle = {Economic Performance, Income Inequality and Political Trust},
  author = {Lee, Daewoo and Chang, Chae Young and Hur, Hyunkang},
  date = {2020-04-02},
  journaltitle = {Asia Pacific Journal of Public Administration},
  volume = {42},
  number = {2},
  pages = {66--88},
  publisher = {{Routledge}},
  issn = {2327-6665},
  doi = {10.1080/23276665.2020.1755873},
  urldate = {2022-01-19},
  abstract = {Political trust is a fundamental bedrock for a political system to work. The ``trust-as-evaluation'' approach has identified an individual's perceived evaluation of economic performance and income inequality as critical determinants of political trust. Another stream of research has argued that macro-level factors, measured by macroeconomic indicators or GINI index, are correlated with political trust. To date, only a few empirical studies have questioned how macro-level performance interacts with those at the micro-level, namely, individuals' subjective evaluations. Existing empirical studies mainly focus on Europe with little attention to Asia. To fill a gap in the literature, we extend the ``trust-as-evaluation approach'' to the Asian context, employing a multilevel analysis using the Asian Barometer Survey's fourth wave. This study identifies that: (i) an individual's perception of their economic well-being or inequality is the critical determinant of political trust; (ii) macro-level economic performance has an unclear and mixed effect on political trust; and (iii) instead, macro-level income inequality functions as a moderator between the relationship between perceived income inequality and political trust.},
  issue = {2},
  keywords = {economic performance,income inequality,political trust}
}

@article{LeviStoker2000,
  title = {Political Trust and Trustworthiness},
  author = {Levi, Margaret and Stoker, Laura},
  date = {2000},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Political Science},
  volume = {3},
  number = {1},
  pages = {475--507},
  doi = {10.1146/annurev.polisci.3.1.475},
  urldate = {2021-06-27},
  abstract = {After addressing the meaning of ``trust'' and ``trustworthiness,'' we review survey-based research on citizens' judgments of trust in governments and politicians, and historical and comparative case study research on political trust and government trustworthiness. We first provide an overview of research in these two traditions, and then take up four topics in more detail: (a) political trust and political participation; (b) political trust, public opinion, and the vote; (c) political trust, trustworthy government, and citizen compliance; and (d) political trust, social trust, and cooperation. We conclude with a discussion of fruitful directions for future research.},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Levi_Stoker2000_Political Trust and Trustworthiness.pdf}
}

@article{Li2004a,
  title = {Population Migration and Urbanization in China: A Comparative Analysis of the 1990 Population Census and the 1995 National One Percent Sample Population Survey},
  author = {Li, Si-ming},
  date = {2004},
  journaltitle = {International Migration Review},
  volume = {38},
  number = {2},
  pages = {655--85},
  issn = {0197-9183},
  abstract = {This article examines the changing pattern of population migration and its implications for the urbanization process in China as revealed by the 1990 Population Census and the 1995 National One Percent Sample Population Survey. It is found that, in comparison with the period 1985-90, migration in the period 1990-95 tended to be more distance sensitive, reflecting the increase in the number of migration foci resulting from the policy of opening on all fronts. Foreign investment also appears to have a greater effect on migration flow. Proportionately, there was an increase in both village-to-village and city-to-city migrations. The former was most sensitive to increase in distance while the latter was least sensitive. As for rural-to-urban flows, which include both village-to-town and village-to-city flows, migrants in China increasingly bypassed the towns and ended up in the cities. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT].},
  keywords = {*Census of Population *China *Migration *Comparative analysis *Urbanization},
  timestamp = {2019-04-18T02:51:52Z}
}

@article{Li2008,
  title = {Political Trust and Petitioning in the Chinese Countryside},
  author = {Li, Lianjiang},
  date = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Comparative Politics},
  volume = {40},
  number = {2},
  pages = {209--226},
  keywords = {\#nosource},
  timestamp = {2021-05-26T04:18:57Z}
}

@article{Li2016,
  title = {Reassessing Trust in the Central Government: Evidence from Five National Surveys},
  author = {Li, Lianjiang},
  date = {2016-03},
  journaltitle = {The China Quarterly},
  volume = {225},
  pages = {100--121},
  publisher = {{Cambridge Univ Press}},
  timestamp = {2019-10-29T01:14:50Z}
}

@book{Li2019a,
  title = {Dang dai zhongguo she hui fen ceng},
  author = {Li, Qiang},
  date = {2019},
  series = {Zhongguo she hui xue jing dian wen ku},
  edition = {1},
  publisher = {{Joint Publishing}},
  location = {{Beijing}},
  isbn = {978-7-80768-257-8},
  langid = {zh\_CN},
  pagetotal = {535},
  keywords = {China,Classes sociales Chine,Social classes,Social classes China,Social stratification,Social stratification China,Stratification sociale Chine},
  annotation = {OCLC: 1112360772}
}

@article{Li2021,
  title = {Distrust in Government and Preference for Regime Change in China},
  author = {Li, Lianjiang},
  date = {2021-05-01},
  journaltitle = {Political Studies},
  shortjournal = {Political Studies},
  volume = {69},
  number = {2},
  pages = {326--343},
  publisher = {{SAGE Publications Ltd}},
  issn = {0032-3217},
  doi = {10.1177/0032321719892166},
  urldate = {2022-05-11},
  abstract = {The article argues that distrust in government reflects a preference for regime change in authoritarian China. It shows that individuals who have stronger distrust in government also have a stronger preference for multiparty electoral competition which runs against the gist of one-party rule and would be a stepping stone toward representative democracy. The article suggests that the relationship between trust in government and system support in an established democracy is fundamentally different from its variant in an authoritarian state. The target of distrust shifts from an electorally accountable government to a self-appointed one, while the target of support shifts from a system that protects freedom and rights to one that restricts them. The article concludes that the buffer between distrust in government and preference for regime change is particularly thin and fragile in China, where the vices of authoritarianism are proven and the virtues of democracy look promising.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {China,ObsCite,support for democracy,system support,trust in commitment,trust in government},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Li2021_Distrust in Government and Preference for Regime Change in China.pdf}
}

@article{Li2022,
  title = {Decoding Political Trust in China: A Machine Learning Analysis},
  shorttitle = {Decoding Political Trust in China},
  author = {Li, Lianjiang},
  date = {2022-03},
  journaltitle = {The China Quarterly},
  volume = {249},
  pages = {1--20},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  issn = {0305-7410, 1468-2648},
  doi = {10.1017/S0305741021001077},
  urldate = {2022-05-11},
  abstract = {Survey results inflate political trust in China if the observed trust in the central government is mistaken for the latent trust in the Centre. The target of trust in the country is the Centre, which is ultimately the top leader. The critical issue domain for assessing the Centre's trustworthiness is policy implementation rather than policymaking. The Centre's trustworthiness has two dimensions: commitment to good governance and the capacity to discipline local officials. Observed trust in the central government indicates trust in the Centre's commitment, while observed trust in the local government reflects confidence in the Centre's capacity. A machine learning analysis of a national survey reveals how much conventional reading overestimates political trust. At first glance, 85 per cent of the respondents trust the central government. Upon further inspection, 18 per cent have total trust in the Centre, 34 per cent have partial trust and 33 per cent are sceptical., 摘要如果把对中央政府的信任等同于对中央的信任，问卷调查结果会夸大中国的政治信任。在中国，政治信任的对象是中央，中央归根结底是最高领袖。评价中央可信度的关键事域是政策执行，而非政策制定。中央的可信度有两个向度，一是执政动机，二是治吏能力。对中央政府的信任标示对中央执政动机的信心，对地方政府的信任折射对中央治吏能力的信心。对一个全国调查数据的机器学习分析显示，常规解读大幅度高估政治信任。乍看起来，在3,473名受访人中，百分之85信任中央政府。深入分析发现，百分之18的受访人全面信任中央，百分之34片面信任中央，百分之33持怀疑态度。},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {China,machine learning,ObsCite,political trust,trust in the central government,trust in the Centre,trust in the local government,中国,对中央政府的信任,对中央的信任,对地方政府的信任,政治信任,机器学习},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Li2022_Decoding Political Trust in China.pdf}
}

@article{LiuEtAl2016c,
  title = {Transferring from the {{Poor}} to the {{Rich}}: {{Examining Regressive Redistribution}} in {{Chinese Social Insurance Programmes}}},
  shorttitle = {Transferring from the Poor to the Rich},
  author = {Liu, Junqiang and Liu, Kai and Huang, Yunong},
  date = {2016},
  journaltitle = {International Journal of Social Welfare},
  volume = {25},
  number = {2},
  pages = {199--210},
  issn = {1468-2397},
  doi = {10.1111/ijsw.12172},
  urldate = {2022-05-04},
  abstract = {Social insurance promotes progressive redistribution through risk pooling and cross-subsidy. However, in China, risks and protection are mismatched, with benefits and protection accruing to the privileged while high-risk groups are inadequately protected. This article reports on a study of the sources of regressive redistribution in Chinese pension, health and unemployment insurance programmes, and discusses the possible cause of this redistribution paradox. It argues that the government has adopted different strategies for welfare reform towards different socioeconomic groups. For the core groups, such as public employees, reform has been characterised by replacing old programmes with new (i.e., a replacement strategy). For marginal groups, the government has handed off its responsibilities to individuals and the market (a retrenchment strategy). This political pecking order of welfare reform is the cause of distorted distributional outcomes. As social policy programmes continue to spread in developing countries, China's case illustrates that they may reinforce existing disparities rather than realise progressive redistribution, risk management and social inclusion.},
  issue = {2},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {China,political pecking order,regressive redistribution,social insurance,welfare reform}
}

@article{LiWalker2018,
  title = {Targeting Social Assistance: Dibao and Institutional Alienation in Rural China},
  shorttitle = {Targeting Social Assistance},
  author = {Li, Mianguan and Walker, Robert},
  date = {2018-05},
  journaltitle = {Social Policy \& Administration},
  volume = {52},
  number = {3},
  pages = {771--789},
  issn = {1467-9515},
  doi = {10.1111/spol.12261},
  abstract = {China's Dibao (Minimal Living Security System) is the world's biggest cash social assistance system serving 52 million people. However, Dibao is less effective at alleviating poverty in rural areas than should it be. The analytic concepts of targeting and institutional alienation (the mismatch between stated goals and true functioning) are applied in a village case-study to understand why. It appears that Dibao reaches some people considered self-evidently to be needy, but funds are diverted for purposes of rural governance and social control (reward, punishment and deterrence) and personal gain. Although culturally framed, the concepts and findings potentially have relevance to the global South and North.},
  issue = {3},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Chaxugeju,Dibao,Institutional alienation,Rural China,Social assistance,Targeting},
  timestamp = {2019-10-29T01:14:50Z}
}

@article{LovelessWhitefield2011,
  title = {Being Unequal and Seeing Inequality: Explaining the Political Significance of Social Inequality in New Market Democracies},
  shorttitle = {Being Unequal and Seeing Inequality},
  author = {Loveless, Matthew and Whitefield, Stephen},
  date = {2011-03},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Political Research},
  volume = {50},
  number = {2},
  pages = {239--266},
  issn = {03044130},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1475-6765.2010.01929.x},
  urldate = {2013-12-10},
  issue = {2}
}

@article{Luttig2013,
  title = {The Structure of Inequality and Americans' Attitudes toward Redistribution},
  author = {Luttig, Matthew},
  date = {2013-23},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {77},
  number = {3},
  pages = {811--821},
  publisher = {{Oxford University Press / USA}},
  issn = {0033362X},
  doi = {10.1093/poq/nft025},
  urldate = {2022-05-19},
  abstract = {Income inequality has been rising substantially over the past few decades in the United States, making it the most unequal of advanced industrialized democracies. This transformation has had enor-mous social and political consequences. In this research note, I assess the influence of both income inequality and the changing structure of income inequality on Americans' public policy mood. Numerous politi-cal theorists suggest that rising inequality and the shift in the distribu-tion of income to those at the top should lead to increasing support for liberal policies. But recent evidence contradicts these theories. I empiri-cally evaluate a number of competing theoretical predictions about the relationship between inequality and public preferences. In general, the evidence supports the claim that rising inequality has been a force pro-moting conservatism in the American public.},
  issue = {3},
  keywords = {Conservatism,Economic attitudes,Income distribution,Income redistribution,Liberalism,Political attitudes,Public opinion,United States,United States economy}
}

@article{Myers1987,
  title = {Economic Inequality and Discrimination in Sentencing},
  author = {Myers, Martha A.},
  date = {1987},
  journaltitle = {Social Forces},
  volume = {65},
  number = {3},
  pages = {746--766},
  publisher = {{Oxford University Press}},
  issn = {0037-7732},
  doi = {10.2307/2578526},
  abstract = {This paper integrates two separate research traditions that link inequality and official responses to crime. It focuses on inequality both as a property of communities where punishment occurs and as a property of punished offenders. Community inequality is conceptualized as a context that conditions differential treatment based on offender attributes and behavior. The analysis of data from Georgia supports such a conceptualization. Inequality tends to foster disproportionately harsher punishment of more dangerous and socially disadvantaged offenders. There are exceptions to these general trends, however. Most notably, white rather than black offenders are at a disadvantage in counties with high racial income inequality and large black populations. Taken as a whole, the results argue for greater attentiveness to the economic context within which sentencing occurs, and for research strategies that can specify the intervening mechanisms through which community inequality operates.},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:13:00Z}
}

@article{Nederhof1985,
  title = {Methods of Coping with Social Desirability Bias: A Review},
  author = {Nederhof, Anton J.},
  date = {1985},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Social Psychology},
  volume = {15},
  number = {3},
  pages = {263--280},
  publisher = {{Wiley Online Library}},
  timestamp = {2019-12-31T01:31:40Z}
}

@article{OishiEtAl2011,
  title = {Income Inequality and Happiness},
  author = {Oishi, Shigehiro and Kesebir, Selin and Diener, Ed},
  date = {2011-08},
  journaltitle = {Psychological Science},
  volume = {22},
  number = {9},
  pages = {1095--1100},
  publisher = {{SAGE PublicationsSage CA: Los Angeles, CA}},
  doi = {10.1177/0956797611417262},
  abstract = {Using General Social Survey data from 1972 to 2008, we found that Americans were on average happier in the years with less national income inequality than in th...},
  copyright = {\textcopyright{} Association for Psychological Science 2011},
  langid = {english},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:59Z}
}

@book{Pan2020,
  title = {Welfare for {{Autocrats}}: {{How Social Assistance}} in {{China Cares}} for Its {{Rulers}}},
  shorttitle = {Welfare for {{Autocrats}}},
  author = {Pan, Jennifer},
  date = {2020},
  publisher = {{Oxford University Press}},
  location = {{New York}},
  doi = {10.1093/oso/9780190087425.001.0001},
  urldate = {2022-04-06},
  abstract = {What are the costs of the Chinese regime's fixation on quelling dissent in the name of political order, or ``stability''? In Welfare for Autocrats, Jennifer Pan shows that China has reshaped its major social assistance program, Dibao, around this preoccupation, turning an effort to alleviate poverty into a tool of surveillance and repression. This distortion of Dibao damages perceptions of government competence and legitimacy and can trigger unrest among those denied benefits. Pan traces how China's approach to enforcing order transformed at the turn of the 21st century and identifies a phenomenon she calls seepage whereby one policy\textemdash in this case, quelling dissent\textemdash alters the allocation of resources and goals of unrelated areas of government. Using novel datasets and a variety of methodologies, Welfare for Autocrats challenges the view that concessions and repression are distinct strategies and departs from the assumption that all tools of repression were originally designed as such. Pan reaches the startling conclusion that China's preoccupation with order not only comes at great human cost but in the case of Dibao may well backfire.},
  isbn = {978-0-19-008742-5},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {288},
  keywords = {China,Dibao,institutional change,legitimacy,political order,protest,repression,social assistance,stability,surveillance,urban politics}
}

@article{PaskovDewilde2012,
  title = {Income Inequality and Solidarity in Europe},
  author = {Paskov, Marii and Dewilde, Caroline},
  date = {2012-12},
  journaltitle = {Research in Social Stratification and Mobility},
  series = {Consequences of {{Economic Inequality}}},
  volume = {30},
  number = {4},
  pages = {415--432},
  issn = {0276-5624},
  doi = {10.1016/j.rssm.2012.06.002},
  abstract = {This paper studies the relationship between income inequality, a macro-level characteristic, and solidarity of Europeans. To this aim, solidarity is defined as the `willingness to contribute to the welfare of other people'. We rely on a theoretical idea according to which feelings of solidarity are derived from both affective and calculating considerations \textendash{} we derive competing hypotheses relating the extent of income inequality to these `underlying' motivations for solidarity. Using data from the 1999 European Values Study (EVS), we apply multilevel analysis for 26 European countries. Controlling for household income and a range of macro-level characteristics, we find evidence that in more unequal countries people are less willing to take action to improve the living conditions of their fellow-countrymen. This is true for respondents living in both low- and high-income households. According to our theoretical framework, this finding suggests that, at least when measured in terms of `willingness to contribute to the welfare of other people', feelings of solidarity seem to be influenced more strongly by affective, rather than by calculating considerations.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Europe,Income inequality,Social distance,Solidarity},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:59Z}
}

@article{PayneEtAl2017,
  title = {Economic Inequality Increases Risk Taking},
  author = {Payne, B. Keith and Brown-Iannuzzi, Jazmin L. and Hannay, Jason W.},
  date = {2017-05},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  volume = {114},
  number = {18},
  pages = {4643--4648},
  issn = {0027-8424, 1091-6490},
  doi = {10.1073/pnas.1616453114},
  abstract = {Rising income inequality is a global trend. Increased income inequality has been associated with higher rates of crime, greater consumer debt, and poorer health outcomes. The mechanisms linking inequality to poor outcomes among individuals are poorly understood. This research tested a behavioral account linking inequality to individual decision making. In three experiments ( n = 811), we found that higher inequality in the outcomes of an economic game led participants to take greater risks to try to achieve higher outcomes. This effect of unequal distributions on risk taking was driven by upward social comparisons. Next, we estimated economic risk taking in daily life using large-scale data from internet searches. Risk taking was higher in states with greater income inequality, an effect driven by inequality at the upper end of the income distribution. Results suggest that inequality may promote poor outcomes, in part, by increasing risky behavior.},
  langid = {english},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:57Z}
}

@article{PerezTavits2017a,
  title = {Language Shapes People's Time Perspective and Support for Future-Oriented Policies},
  author = {P\'erez, Efr\'en O. and Tavits, Margit},
  date = {2017-06},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {61},
  pages = {715--727},
  publisher = {{Wiley Online Library}},
  keywords = {experiment},
  timestamp = {2019-12-07T02:08:03Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Pérez_Tavits2017_Language Shapes People's Time Perspective and Support for Future-Oriented.pdf}
}

@article{PerezTavits2019,
  title = {Language Influences Public Attitudes toward Gender Equality},
  author = {P\'erez, Efr\'en O. and Tavits, Margit},
  date = {2019},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {81},
  number = {1},
  eprint = {https://doi.org/10.1086/700004},
  pages = {81--93},
  abstract = {Does the way we speak affect what we think about gender equality? Languages vary by how much they require speakers to attend to gender. Genderless tongues (e.g., Estonian) do not oblige speakers to designate the gender of objects, while gendered tongues do (e.g., Russian). By neglecting to distinguish between male and female objects, we hypothesize that speakers of genderless tongues will express more liberalized attitudes toward gender equality. Using an experiment that assigned the interview language to 1,200 Estonian/Russian bilinguals, we find support for this proposition. In a second experiment, we replicate this result and demonstrate its absence for attitudes without obvious gender referents. We also provide some evidence suggesting that language effects weaken when social norms about acceptable behavior are made salient. Finally, we extend our principal finding through a cross-national analysis of survey data. Our results imply that language may have significant consequences for mass opinion about gender equality.},
  timestamp = {2019-10-29T01:14:50Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Pérez_Tavits2019_Language Influences Public Attitudes toward Gender Equality.pdf}
}

@article{PeytchevEtAl2006,
  title = {Web Survey Design},
  shorttitle = {Web Survey Design},
  author = {Peytchev, Andy and Couper, Mick P. and McCabe, Sean Esteban and Crawford, Scott D.},
  date = {2006},
  journaltitle = {Public Opinion Quarterly},
  volume = {70},
  number = {4},
  pages = {596--607},
  publisher = {{Oxford University Press / USA}},
  issn = {0033-362X},
  abstract = {A key choice in the design of Web surveys is whether to place the survey questions in a multitude of short pages or in long scrollable pages. There are advantages and disadvantages of each approach, but little empirical evidence to guide the choice. In 2003 we conducted a survey of over 21,000 undergraduate students. Ten percent of the 10,000 respondents were directed to the scrollable version of the survey, containing a single form for each of the major sections. The balance was assigned to the paging version, in which questions were presented to be visible without scrolling. The instrument contained a maximum of 268 possible questions, including topics that varied in sensitivity and desirability. The survey also permitted comparison of the effect of skip patterns by implementing skip instructions and hyperlinks in the scrollable design, and also recorded time at the end of each of the five topical sections. Differences between designs are evaluated in terms of various forms of non-response, univariate and bivariate measurement properties, and proxies for respondent burden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Public Opinion Quarterly is the property of Oxford University Press / USA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)},
  keywords = {public opinion,trust,WORLD Wide Web RESEARCH WEB development INTERNET questionnaires SOCIAL surveys \textendash{} Response rate SOCIAL science research INTERNET research COLLEGE students SURVEYS WEB design},
  timestamp = {2019-10-29T01:14:50Z}
}

@book{PharrPutnam2018,
  title = {Disaffected Democracies: What's Troubling the Trilateral Countries?},
  shorttitle = {Disaffected Democracies},
  author = {Pharr, Susan J. and Putnam, Robert D.},
  date = {2018-06},
  publisher = {{Princeton University Press}},
  abstract = {It is a notable irony that as democracy replaces other forms of governing throughout the world, citizens of the most established and prosperous democracies (the United States and Canada, Western European nations, and Japan) increasingly report dissatisfaction and frustration with their governments. Here, some of the most influential political scientists at work today examine why this is so in a volume unique in both its publication of original data and its conclusion that low public confidence in democratic leaders and institutions is a function of actual performance, changing expectations, and the role of information. The culmination of research projects directed by Robert Putnam through the Trilateral Commission and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, these papers present new data that allow more direct comparisons across national borders and more detailed pictures of trends within countries than previously possible. They show that citizen disaffection in the Trilateral democracies is not the result of frayed social fabric, economic insecurity, the end of the Cold War, or public cynicism. Rather, the contributors conclude, the trouble lies with governments and politics themselves. The sources of the problem include governments' diminished capacity to act in an interdependent world and a decline in institutional performance, in combination with new public expectations and uses of information that have altered the criteria by which people judge their governments. Although the authors diverge in approach, ideological affinity, and interpretation, they adhere to a unified framework and confine themselves to the last quarter of the twentieth century. This focus\textendash together with the wealth of original research results and the uniform strength of the individual chapters\textendash sets the volume above other efforts to address the important and increasingly international question of public dissatisfaction with democratic governance. This book will have obvious appeal for a broad audience of political scientists, politicians, policy wonks, and that still sizable group of politically minded citizens on both sides of the Atlantic and Pacific.},
  googlebooks = {mfFaDwAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-0-691-18684-9},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Political Science / International Relations / General},
  timestamp = {2021-01-16T04:51:36Z}
}

@article{PikettyEtAl2019,
  title = {Capital Accumulation, Private Property, and Rising Inequality in China, 1978\textendash 2015},
  author = {Piketty, Thomas and Yang, Li and Zucman, Gabriel},
  date = {2019-07},
  journaltitle = {American Economic Review},
  volume = {109},
  number = {7},
  pages = {2469--2496},
  issn = {0002-8282},
  doi = {10.1257/aer.20170973},
  abstract = {We combine national accounts, surveys, and new tax data to study the accumulation and distribution of income and wealth in China from 1978 to 2015. The national wealth-income ratio increased from 350 percent in 1978 to 700 percent in 2015, while the share of public property in national wealth declined from 70 percent to 30 percent. We provide sharp upward revision of official inequality estimates. The top 10 percent income share rose from 27 percent to 41 percent between 1978 and 2015; the bottom 50 percent share dropped from 27 percent to 15 percent. China's inequality levels used to be close to Nordic countries and are now approaching US levels.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {and Expenditure,and Poverty,and Their Distributions,Education and Training: Welfare,Environmental Accounts,Health,Income,Inflation,Macroeconomic Analyses of Economic Development,Macroeconomics: Production,Measurement and Data on National Income and Product Accounts and Wealth,Money,Personal Income,Product,Property Rights,Socialist Institutions and Their Transitions: Consumer Economics,Socialist Systems and Transitional Economies: National Income,Socialist Systems and Transitional Economies: Political Economy,Wealth},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:58Z}
}

@book{Przeworski2019,
  title = {Crises of Democracy},
  author = {Przeworski, Adam},
  date = {2019},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  location = {{Cambridge}},
  doi = {10.1017/9781108671019},
  abstract = {Is democracy in crisis? The current threats to democracy are not just political: they are deeply embedded in the democracies of today, in current economic, social, and cultural conditions. In Crises of Democracy, Adam Przeworski presents a panorama of the political situation throughout the world of established democracies, places it in the context of past misadventures of democratic regimes, and speculates on the prospects. Our present state of knowledge does not support facile conclusions. 'We should not believe the flood of writings that have all the answers'. Avoiding technical aspects, this book is addressed not only to professional social scientists, but to everyone concerned about the prospects of democracy.},
  isbn = {978-1-108-49880-7},
  timestamp = {2020-12-08T01:56:57Z},
  file = {D\:\\zotero_system\\storage\\X5VXXKYL\\Przeworski2019_Crises of Democracy.pdf}
}

@book{Pye1992,
  title = {The Spirit of Chinese Politics},
  shorttitle = {The Spirit of Chinese Politics},
  author = {Pye, L. W.},
  date = {1992},
  publisher = {{Harvard University Press}},
  isbn = {0-674-83240-X},
  timestamp = {2019-04-18T02:53:22Z}
}

@thesis{Ren2009,
  title = {Surveying Public Opinion in Transitional China: An Examination of Survey Response},
  shorttitle = {Surveying Public Opinion in Transitional China: An Examination of Survey Response},
  author = {Ren, Liying},
  date = {2009},
  institution = {{University of Pittsburgh}},
  location = {{Pittsburgh, PA}},
  abstract = {This study investigates the usefulness of public opinion survey in China for political research. Using data from the World Values Survey and from several Chinese public opinion surveys, my central inquiry consists of three separate but interrelated issues: are public opinion survey data from China truthful, meaningful, and comparable? I frame these questions in a comparative perspective and in the transitional contexts of China. By examining the issues of item-nonresponse, norm-seeking response, and cross-national comparability, I show that the validity of survey responses in Chinese opinion surveys is mainly influenced by the respondents' cognitive ability, political interest, media exposure, and cultural difference. Political control is present in the form of response effect and information control, but it should not be a serious concern about the use of Chinese survey data. Copies of dissertations may be obtained by addressing your request to ProQuest, 789 E. Eisenhower Parkway, P.O. Box 1346, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346. Telephone 1-800-521-3042; email: disspub@umi.com},
  timestamp = {2019-12-31T13:19:02Z}
}

@article{RobisonStubager2018,
  title = {The Class Pictures in Citizens' Minds},
  author = {Robison, Joshua and Stubager, Rune},
  date = {2018},
  journaltitle = {The British Journal of Sociology},
  volume = {69},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1220--1247},
  issn = {1468-4446},
  doi = {10.1111/1468-4446.12313},
  abstract = {Social class has traditionally played a key role in explaining social behaviour and cognition. However, recent analyses have been dominated by the view that the relevance of class for behaviour has dwindled in advanced industrial societies. We contest this view by focusing on the subjective components of class consciousness. Using a national survey of Danish citizens, we show that individuals continue to hold meaningful conceptions of classes, to identify with them and, moreover, to perceive substantial levels of differences between them with these latter beliefs being strongly structured by respondent class identification. These results are all the more intriguing because they stem from a high affluence/low inequality national context that should be a particularly good case for failing to find such rich class perceptions.},
  copyright = {\textcopyright{} London School of Economics and Political Science 2017},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {class consciousness,class identification,Denmark,Social class,stereotypes},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:57Z}
}

@book{RoseEtAl2011,
  title = {Popular {{Support}} for an {{Undemocratic Regime}}: {{The Changing Views}} of {{Russians}}},
  shorttitle = {Popular {{Support}} for an {{Undemocratic Regime}}},
  author = {Rose, Richard and Mishler, William and Munro, Neil},
  date = {2011-06-02},
  eprint = {VO1fYH32gqMC},
  eprinttype = {googlebooks},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  abstract = {To survive, all forms of government require popular support, whether voluntary or involuntary. Following the collapse of the Soviet system, Russia's rulers took steps toward democracy, yet under Vladimir Putin Russia has become increasingly undemocratic. This book uses a unique source of evidence, eighteen surveys of Russian public opinion from the first month of the new regime in 1992 up to 2009, to track the changing views of Russians. Clearly presented and sophisticated figures and tables show how political support has increased because of a sense of resignation that is even stronger than the unstable benefits of exporting oil and gas. Whilst comparative analyses of surveys on other continents show that Russia's elite is not alone in being able to mobilize popular support for an undemocratic regime, Russia provides an outstanding caution that popular support can grow when governors reject democracy and create an undemocratic regime.},
  isbn = {978-1-139-49769-5},
  langid = {english},
  pagetotal = {215},
  keywords = {Philosophy / Political,Political Science / Comparative Politics,Political Science / General,Political Science / Political Ideologies / Democracy,Political Science / Political Ideologies / General}
}

@article{Ross2006a,
  title = {Is Democracy Good for the Poor?},
  author = {Ross, M.},
  date = {2006},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {50},
  number = {4},
  pages = {860--874},
  issue = {4},
  keywords = {\#nosource},
  timestamp = {2021-05-26T04:15:43Z}
}

@book{Rothstein2005,
  title = {Social Traps and the Problem of Trust},
  author = {Rothstein, Bo},
  date = {2005},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  location = {{Cambridge, UK; New York}},
  abstract = {Bo Rothstein explores how social capital and social trust are generated and what governments can do about it. A 'social trap' is a situation where individuals, groups or organizations are unable to cooperate owing to mutual distrust and lack of social capital, even where cooperation would benefit all. Examples include civil strife, pervasive corruption, ethnic discrimination, depletion of natural resources and misuse of social insurance systems. Much has been written attempting to explain the problem, but rather less material is available on how to escape it.},
  isbn = {978-0-521-61282-1},
  langid = {english},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:57Z}
}

@book{Rothstein2011,
  title = {The Quality of Government: Corruption, Social Trust, and Inequality in International Perspective},
  author = {Rothstein, Bo},
  date = {2011},
  publisher = {{University of Chicago Press}},
  location = {{Chicago}},
  url = {https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/Q/bo11632847.html},
  urldate = {2020-08-19},
  abstract = {The relationship between government, virtue, and wealth has held a special fascination since Aristotle, and the importance of each frames policy debates today in both developed and developing countries. While it's clear that low-quality government institutions have tremendous negative effects on the health and wealth of societies, the criteria for good governance remain far from clear. In this pathbreaking book, leading political scientist Bo Rothstein provides a theoretical foundation for empirical analysis on the connection between the quality of government and important economic, political, and social outcomes. Focusing on the effects of government policies, he argues that unpredictable actions constitute a severe impediment to economic growth and development\textemdash and that a basic characteristic of quality government is impartiality in the exercise of power. This is borne out by cross-sectional analyses, experimental studies, and in-depth historical investigations. Timely and topical, The Quality of Government tackles such issues as political legitimacy, social capital, and corruption.},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:57Z}
}

@article{RothsteinTeorell2008,
  title = {What Is Quality of Government? {{A}} Theory of Impartial Government Institutions},
  shorttitle = {What Is Quality of Government?},
  author = {Rothstein, Bo and Teorell, Jan},
  date = {2008},
  journaltitle = {Governance-an International Journal of Policy and Administration},
  shortjournal = {Governance},
  volume = {21},
  number = {2},
  pages = {165--190},
  issn = {1468-0491},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1468-0491.2008.00391.x},
  abstract = {The recent growth in research on ``good governance'' and the quality of government institutions has been propelled by empirical findings that show that such institutions may hold the key to understanding economic growth and social welfare in developing and transition countries. We argue, however, that a key issue has not been addressed, namely, what quality of government (QoG) actually means at the conceptual level. Based on analyses of political theory, we propose a more coherent and specific definition of QoG: the impartiality of institutions that exercise government authority. We relate the idea of impartiality to a series of criticisms stemming from the fields of public administration, public choice, multiculturalism, and feminism. To place the theory of impartiality in a larger context, we then contrast its scope and meaning with that of a threefold set of competing concepts of quality of government: democracy, the rule of law, and efficiency/effectiveness.},
  copyright = {\textcopyright{} 2008 The Authors},
  langid = {english},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:58Z}
}

@book{SchlozmanEtAl2013,
  title = {The Unheavenly Chorus: Unequal Political Voice and the Broken Promise of American Democracy},
  shorttitle = {The Unheavenly Chorus},
  author = {Schlozman, Kay Lehman and Verba, Sidney and Brady, Henry E.},
  date = {2013-08},
  publisher = {{Princeton University Press}},
  abstract = {Politically active individuals and organizations make huge investments of time, energy, and money to influence everything from election outcomes to congressional subcommittee hearings to local school politics, while other groups and individual citizens seem woefully underrepresented in our political system. The Unheavenly Chorus is the most comprehensive and systematic examination of political voice in America ever undertaken\textendash and its findings are sobering. The Unheavenly Chorus is the first book to look at the political participation of individual citizens alongside the political advocacy of thousands of organized interests\textendash membership associations such as unions, professional associations, trade associations, and citizens groups, as well as organizations like corporations, hospitals, and universities. Drawing on numerous in-depth surveys of members of the public as well as the largest database of interest organizations ever created\textendash representing more than thirty-five thousand organizations over a twenty-five-year period\textendash this book conclusively demonstrates that American democracy is marred by deeply ingrained and persistent class-based political inequality. The well educated and affluent are active in many ways to make their voices heard, while the less advantaged are not. This book reveals how the political voices of organized interests are even less representative than those of individuals, how political advantage is handed down across generations, how recruitment to political activity perpetuates and exaggerates existing biases, how political voice on the Internet replicates these inequalities\textendash and more. In a true democracy, the preferences and needs of all citizens deserve equal consideration. Yet equal consideration is only possible with equal citizen voice. The Unheavenly Chorus reveals how far we really are from the democratic ideal and how hard it would be to attain it.},
  googlebooks = {0mmYDwAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-0-691-15986-7},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Political Science / Civics \& Citizenship,Political Science / Civil Rights,Political Science / Political Ideologies / Democracy,Political Science / Political Process / Campaigns \& Elections,Political Science / Political Process / General,Political Science / Public Policy / General},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:10:31Z}
}

@article{Solt2008,
  title = {Economic Inequality and Democratic Political Engagement: Economic Inequality and Political Engagement},
  shorttitle = {Economic Inequality and Democratic Political Engagement},
  author = {Solt, Frederick},
  date = {2008-01},
  journaltitle = {American Journal of Political Science},
  volume = {52},
  number = {1},
  pages = {48--60},
  issn = {00925853},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1540-5907.2007.00298.x},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {unit of analysis},
  timestamp = {2021-01-21T08:30:50Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Solt2008_Economic Inequality and Democratic Political Engagement.pdf}
}

@misc{SoltHu2015,
  title = {Dotwhisker: Dot-and-Whisker Plots of Regression Results},
  author = {Solt, Frederick and Hu, Yue},
  date = {2015},
  location = {{CRAN}},
  url = {http://CRAN.R-project.org/package=dotwhisker},
  urldate = {2016-09-20},
  copyright = {All rights reserved},
  howpublished = {Available at The Comprehensive R Archive Network (CRAN)},
  timestamp = {2021-01-16T09:11:27Z}
}

@article{StockmannEtAl2018,
  title = {Who Is Afraid of the Chinese State? {{Evidence}} Calling into Question Political Fear as an Explanation for Overreporting of Political Trust},
  shorttitle = {Who Is Afraid of the Chinese State?},
  author = {Stockmann, Daniela and Esarey, Ashley and Zhang, Jie},
  date = {2018},
  journaltitle = {Political Psychology},
  volume = {39},
  number = {5},
  pages = {1105--1121},
  issn = {1467-9221},
  doi = {10.1111/pops.12471},
  abstract = {Public opinion polls show that political trust tends to be higher in authoritarian regimes compared to liberal democracies. Many scholars have argued that respondents may provide false answers out of fear about repercussions by the state, thereby skewing survey results in a positive direction. Using an unobtrusive measure based on affect transfer, we find that adult participants in experiments conducted in China transfer positive affect toward the state onto evaluations of television advertisements upon mere exposure to the name of a central party institution. Participants did not have incentives to lie because they did not associate the advertisements with the state. Furthermore, people who evaluated the ads more positively upon viewing the name of the state also reported more positive levels of trust in government. Together, these findings raise doubt that Chinese misrepresent political trust in surveys out of political fear.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {affect,experiments,fear,hot cognition,political trust,priming,social desirability,World Value Survey},
  timestamp = {2019-12-03T00:56:11Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Stockmann et al2018_Who Is Afraid of the Chinese State.pdf}
}

@book{Tang2016a,
  title = {Populist Authoritarianism: Chinese Political Culture and Regime Sustainability},
  author = {Tang, Wenfang},
  date = {2016},
  publisher = {{Oxford University Press}},
  isbn = {0-19-020578-4},
  keywords = {\#nosource},
  timestamp = {2021-05-26T04:14:30Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Tang2016_Populist Authoritarianism - Chinese Political Culture and Regime Sustainability.pdf}
}

@article{TangHu2022,
  title = {Detecting Grassroots Bribery and Its Sources in China: A Survey Experimental Approach},
  shorttitle = {Detecting Grassroots Bribery and Its Sources in China},
  author = {Tang, Wenfang and Hu, Yue},
  date = {2022-05-11},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Contemporary China},
  volume = {32},
  number = {140},
  pages = {207--224},
  publisher = {{Routledge}},
  issn = {1067-0564},
  doi = {10.1080/10670564.2022.2071883},
  urldate = {2023-01-09},
  abstract = {Drawing data from a national survey, this study relies on several embedded list experiments to examine the grassroots bribery that the survey respondents tried to hide due to social desirability. The findings from the list experiments are extracted to develop an innovative weighting technique to provide accurate estimations of bribery behavior. It finds that the level of grassroots bribery in public sectors is significantly higher than what people would admit; that the reasons for bribery can be traced to the country's public service distribution, the low risk of practicing bribery, and the rapid increase in disposable income. These findings suggest that grassroots bribery is still a serious issue in Chinese society, and it creates new challenges for effective governance during the country's anti-corruption campaign.},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Tang_Hu2022_Detecting Grassroots Bribery and Its Sources in China - A Survey Experimental.pdf}
}

@article{ThorbeckeCharumilind2002,
  title = {Economic Inequality and Its Socioeconomic Impact},
  author = {Thorbecke, Erik and Charumilind, Chutatong},
  date = {2002-09},
  journaltitle = {World Development},
  volume = {30},
  number = {9},
  pages = {1477--1495},
  issn = {0305-750X},
  doi = {10.1016/S0305-750X(02)00052-9},
  abstract = {Income inequality is of fundamental interest not only to economists, but also to other social scientists. A substantial literature in economics and the social sciences has investigated the relationship between income inequality and economic growth, and a variety of social phenomena. The links between inequality and economic growth are explored as well as those between inequality and such key social variables as political conflict, education, health, and crime. The analysis in this paper follows a two-step process. First, a review of the empirical evidence relating inequality to growth and to each of the above social variables is undertaken. Second, the various causal mechanisms that have been proposed in the social science literature to explain those links are surveyed.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {education,growth,health,income distribution,inequality},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:59Z}
}

@article{Tyler2006,
  title = {Psychological Perspectives on Legitimacy and Legitimation},
  author = {Tyler, Tom R.},
  date = {2006},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Psychology},
  volume = {57},
  number = {1},
  eprint = {16318600},
  eprinttype = {pmid},
  pages = {375--400},
  doi = {10.1146/annurev.psych.57.102904.190038},
  urldate = {2022-11-28},
  abstract = {Legitimacy is a psychological property of an authority, institution, or social arrangement that leads those connected to it to believe that it is appropriate, proper, and just. Because of legitimacy, people feel that they ought to defer to decisions and rules, following them voluntarily out of obligation rather than out of fear of punishment or anticipation of reward. Being legitimate is important to the success of authorities, institutions, and institutional arrangements since it is difficult to exert influence over others based solely upon the possession and use of power. Being able to gain voluntary acquiescence from most people, most of the time, due to their sense of obligation increases effectiveness during periods of scarcity, crisis, and conflict. The concept of legitimacy has a long history within social thought and social psychology, and it has emerged as increasingly important within recent research on the dynamics of political, legal, and social systems.},
  keywords = {authority,intergroup relations,leadership,procedural justice,stereotyping}
}

@article{UlmerJohnson2004,
  title = {Sentencing in Context: A Multilevel Analysis},
  shorttitle = {Sentencing in Context},
  author = {Ulmer, Jeffery T. and Johnson, Brian},
  date = {2004},
  journaltitle = {Criminology},
  volume = {42},
  number = {1},
  pages = {137--178},
  issn = {1745-9125},
  doi = {10.1111/j.1745-9125.2004.tb00516.x},
  abstract = {Criminal sentencing is, along with arresting and prosecuting, among the most important of formal social control decisions. In this study we use hierarchical modeling to test hypotheses about contextual level influences and cross level interaction effects on local court decisions. Most of the explanatory ``action,'' our analysis shows, is at the individual case level in criminal sentencing. We also find evidence that local contextual features\textendash such as court organizational culture, court caseload pressure, and racial and ethnic composition\textendash affect sentencing outcomes, either directly or in interaction with individual factors. We conclude by discussing theoretical implications of our findings, and how our study points out some dilemmas among civil rights, local autonomy and organizational realities of criminal courts.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {courts,hierarchical modeling,race and ethnicity,sentencing,sentencing guidelines,social contexts},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:13:00Z}
}

@book{Uslaner2008,
  title = {Corruption, Inequality, and the Rule of Law: The Bulging Pocket Makes the Easy Life},
  shorttitle = {Corruption, Inequality, and the Rule of Law},
  author = {Uslaner, Eric M.},
  date = {2008},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  location = {{New York}},
  url = {http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/umboston/detail.action?docID=347202},
  urldate = {2020-08-19},
  abstract = {Corruption flouts rules of fairness and gives some people advantages that others don't have. Corruption is persistent; there is little evidence that countries can escape the curse of corruption easily - or at all. Instead of focusing on institutional reform, in this book Eric M. Uslaner suggests that the roots of corruption lie in economic and legal inequality, low levels of generalized trust (which are not readily changed), and poor policy choices (which may be more likely to change). Economic inequality provides a fertile breeding ground for corruption, which, in turn, leads to further inequalities. Just as corruption is persistent, inequality and trust do not change much over time, according to Uslaner's cross-national aggregate analyses. He argues that high inequality leads to low trust and high corruption, and then to more inequality - an inequality trap - and identifies direct linkages between inequality and trust in surveys of the mass public and elites in transition countries.},
  isbn = {978-0-511-40794-9},
  keywords = {Rule of law},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:57Z}
}

@incollection{Uslaner2011,
  title = {Corruption, the Inequality Trap and Trust in Government},
  booktitle = {Political {{Trust}}: {{Why Context Matters}}},
  author = {Uslaner, Eric M.},
  editor = {Zmerli, Sonja and Hooghe, Marc},
  date = {2011-12},
  pages = {141--162},
  publisher = {{ECPR Press}},
  abstract = {This book, by Sonja Zmerli and Marc Hooghe, presents cutting-edge empirical research on political trust as a relational concept. From a European comparative perspective it addresses a broad range of contested issues. Can political trust be conceived as a one-dimensional concept and to what extent do international population surveys warrant the culturally equivalent measurement of political trust across European societies? Is there indeed an observable general trend of declining levels of political trust? What are the individual, societal and political prerequisites of political trust and how do they translate into trustful attitudes? Why do so many Eastern European citizens still distrust their political institutions and how does the implementation of welfare state policies both enhance and benefit from political trust? The comprehensive empirical evidence presented in this book by leading scholars provides valuable insights into the relational aspects of political trust and will certainly stimulate future research. This book features:a state-of-the-art European perspective on political trust;an analysis of the most recent trends with regard to the development of political trust;a comparison of traditional and emerging democracies in Europe;the consequences of political trust on political stability and the welfare state;a counterbalance to the gloomy American picture of declining political trust levels.},
  googlebooks = {PcZMAQAAQBAJ},
  isbn = {978-1-907301-23-0},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Political Science / Civics \& Citizenship,Political Science / Political Process / General,Political Science / Public Policy / Social Services \& Welfare},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:58Z}
}

@article{VanRyzin2007,
  title = {Pieces of a Puzzle: Linking Government Performance, Citizen Satisfaction, and Trust},
  shorttitle = {Pieces of a Puzzle},
  author = {Van Ryzin, Gregg G.},
  date = {2007-06-01},
  journaltitle = {Public Performance \& Management Review},
  volume = {30},
  number = {4},
  pages = {521--535},
  publisher = {{Routledge}},
  issn = {1530-9576},
  doi = {10.2753/PMR1530-9576300403},
  urldate = {2022-11-22},
  abstract = {This article presents a basic conceptual framework for investigating the relations among government performance, citizen satisfaction, and trust. It then reviews results from a number of previous empirical studies by the author and other investigators that shed light on specific linkages suggested by the framework. It also indicates gaps in knowledge and, thus, promising areas for future research on the question of how citizens respond to good or bad government performance. Implications for public management, including the need for more citizen-driven measures of government performance, are discussed.},
  issue = {4},
  keywords = {citizen satisfaction,government performance,managerial strategy,perceived outcomes,trust}
}

@article{WelchEtAl2005,
  title = {Linking Citizen Satisfaction with {{E-government}} and Trust in Government},
  author = {Welch, Eric W. and Hinnant, Charles C. and Moon, M. Jae},
  date = {2005-07-01},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  shortjournal = {Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory},
  volume = {15},
  number = {3},
  pages = {371--391},
  issn = {1053-1858},
  doi = {10.1093/jopart/mui021},
  urldate = {2022-11-23},
  abstract = {This article asks how Internet use, citizen satisfaction with e-government, and citizen trust in government are interrelated. We first review the literature on trust and explore how radical information technologies may work to alter the production or maintenance of trust. We then develop hypotheses about how citizens' experience with e-government, satisfaction with e-government and government Web sites, and trust in government are interrelated. Moreover, the model for e-government and Web site satisfaction incorporates citizen perspectives on electronic transaction, transparency, and interactivity. Using data obtained from the Council on Excellence in Government, we then develop and test a two-stage multiple-equation model that simultaneously predicts experience, satisfaction, and trust. Findings indicate that government Web site use is positively associated with e-government satisfaction and Web site satisfaction and that e-government satisfaction is positively associated with trust in government. We also find that while citizens are generally satisfied with the electronic provision of information (transparency), there is some dissatisfaction with the transaction and interactivity of Web sites. We conclude that electronic government strategies\textemdash transaction, transparency, and interactivity\textemdash are important factors that directly affect e-government satisfaction and indirectly affect trust. Individuals who use government Web sites are not only critical consumers but also demanding citizens.},
  issue = {3}
}

@book{Whyte2010,
  title = {Myth of the Social Volcano: Perceptions of Inequality and Distributive Injustice in Contemporary China},
  shorttitle = {Myth of the Social Volcano},
  author = {Whyte, Martin King},
  date = {2010},
  publisher = {{Stanford University Press}},
  location = {{Stanford, Calif}},
  abstract = {Introduction : is rising inequality propelling China toward a "social volcano" \textendash{} China's post-socialist transition and rising inequality \textendash{} The China national survey on inequality and distributive injustice \textendash{} What do Chinese citizens see as fair and unfair about current inequalities? \textendash{} Chinese views on inequality in comparative perspective \textendash{} Chinese attitudes toward current inequalities \textendash{} Perceptions of current inequalities \textendash{} Preferences for equality and inequality \textendash{} Views on stratification and class conflict \textendash{} Views about opportunities and social justice \textendash{} Conclusion : beyond the myth of the social volcano.},
  isbn = {978-0-8047-6941-9},
  langid = {english},
  lccn = {HN740.Z9},
  keywords = {Equality China Public opinion.},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:10:30Z}
}

@article{Whyte2016,
  title = {China's Dormant and Active Social Volcanoes},
  author = {Whyte, Martin King},
  date = {2016},
  journaltitle = {The China Journal},
  volume = {75},
  number = {1},
  pages = {9--37},
  url = {http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/683124},
  urldate = {2017-06-09},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:10:31Z}
}

@article{WilkinsonPickett2009,
  title = {Income Inequality and Social Dysfunction},
  author = {Wilkinson, Richard G. and Pickett, Kate E.},
  date = {2009-07},
  journaltitle = {Annual Review of Sociology},
  volume = {35},
  number = {1},
  pages = {493--511},
  publisher = {{Annual Reviews}},
  issn = {0360-0572},
  doi = {10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-115926},
  abstract = {Population health tends to be better in societies where income is more equally distributed. Recent evidence suggests that many other social problems, including mental illness, violence, imprisonment, lack of trust, teenage births, obesity, drug abuse, and poor educational performance of schoolchildren, are also more common in more unequal societies. Differences in the prevalence of ill health and social problems between more and less equal societies seem to be large and to extend to the vast majority of the population. Rather than referencing all the literature, this paper attempts to show which interpretations of these relationships are consistent with the research evidence. After discussing their more important and illuminating characteristics, we conclude that these relationships are likely to reflect a sensitivity of health and social problems to the scale of social stratification and status competition, underpinned by societal differences in material inequality.},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:57Z}
}

@article{WilkinsonPickett2017,
  title = {The Enemy between Us: The Psychological and Social Costs of Inequality},
  shorttitle = {The Enemy between Us},
  author = {Wilkinson, Richard G. and Pickett, Kate E.},
  date = {2017},
  journaltitle = {European Journal of Social Psychology},
  volume = {47},
  number = {1},
  pages = {11--24},
  issn = {1099-0992},
  doi = {10.1002/ejsp.2275},
  abstract = {There is now substantial evidence that larger income differences in a society increase the prevalence of most of the health and social problems that tend to occur more frequently lower down the social ladder. The pathways through which human beings are sensitive to inequality are however less clear. This paper outlines the explanatory theory that we think best fits the growing but incomplete body of evidence available. Inequality appears to have its most fundamental effects on the quality of social relations\textemdash with implications affecting the prevalence of a number of psychopathologies. We suggest that human beings have two contrasting evolved social strategies: one that is adaptive to living in a dominance hierarchy and the other appropriate to more egalitarian societies based on reciprocity and cooperation. Although both strategies are used in all societies, we hypothesise that the balance between them changes with the extent of material inequality.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {evolutionary psychology,health,income inequality,social relations,status},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:12:58Z}
}

@article{Wolak2020,
  title = {Self-Confidence and Gender Gaps in Political Interest, Attention, and Efficacy},
  author = {Wolak, Jennifer},
  date = {2020-02},
  journaltitle = {The Journal of Politics},
  volume = {82},
  number = {4},
  pages = {1490--1501},
  publisher = {{The University of Chicago Press}},
  issn = {0022-3816},
  doi = {10.1086/708644},
  keywords = {Causal mediation analysis,Internal efficacy,Political Efficacy,Youth},
  timestamp = {2020-04-29T00:49:28Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Wolak2020_Self-Confidence and Gender Gaps in Political Interest, Attention, and Efficacy.pdf;D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Wolak2020_Self-Confidence and Gender Gaps in Political Interest, Attention, and Efficacy2.pdf}
}

@article{Wu2009b,
  title = {Income Inequality and Distributive Justice: A Comparative Analysis of Mainland China and Hong Kong},
  shorttitle = {Income Inequality and Distributive Justice},
  author = {Wu, Xiaogang},
  date = {2009-12},
  journaltitle = {The China Quarterly},
  volume = {200},
  pages = {1033--52},
  issn = {0305-7410, 1468-2648},
  doi = {10.1017/S0305741009990610},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:10:30Z}
}

@report{Xi2017a,
  title = {Secure a Decisive Victory in Building a Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects and Strive for the Great Success of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era},
  author = {Xi, Jinping},
  date = {2017-10-18},
  institution = {{The 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China}},
  location = {{Beijing}},
  url = {http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/interface/flipboard/1142846/2017-11-06/cd_34188086.html},
  urldate = {2022-11-07},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{XieZhou2014,
  title = {Income Inequality in Today's China},
  author = {Xie, Yu and Zhou, Xiang},
  date = {2014},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  volume = {111},
  number = {19},
  pages = {6928--6933},
  keywords = {\#nosource},
  timestamp = {2021-05-26T04:13:00Z}
}

@article{XieZhou2014a,
  title = {Income {{Inequality}} in {{Today}}'s {{China}}},
  author = {Xie, Yu and Zhou, Xiang},
  date = {2014-05-13},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America},
  shortjournal = {Proc Natl Acad Sci U S A},
  volume = {111},
  number = {19},
  pages = {6928--6933},
  issn = {0027-8424},
  doi = {10.1073/pnas.1403158111},
  urldate = {2017-04-29},
  abstract = {We document a rapid increase in income inequality in China's recent past, capitalizing on newly available survey data collected by several Chinese university survey organizations. By now, China's income inequality not only surpasses that of the United States by a large margin but also ranks among the highest in the world, especially in comparison with countries with comparable or higher standards of living. We argue that China's current high income inequality is significantly driven by structural factors attributable to the Chinese political system, the main structural determinants being the rural-urban divide and the regional variation in economic well-being., Using multiple data sources, we establish that China's income inequality since 2005 has reached very high levels, with the Gini coefficient in the range of 0.53\textendash 0.55. Analyzing comparable survey data collected in 2010 in China and the United States, we examine social determinants that help explain China's high income inequality. Our results indicate that a substantial part of China's high income inequality is due to regional disparities and the rural-urban gap. The contributions of these two structural forces are particularly strong in China, but they play a negligible role in generating the overall income inequality in the United States, where individual-level and family-level income determinants, such as family structure and race/ethnicity, play a much larger role.},
  issue = {19},
  langid = {english}
}

@article{YangEtAl2020,
  ids = {YangEtAl2020a},
  title = {Income Inequality and Civil Disorder: Evidence from China},
  shorttitle = {Income Inequality and Civil Disorder},
  author = {Yang, Jidong and Zhang, Chuanchuan and Liu, Kai},
  date = {2020-09},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Contemporary China},
  volume = {29},
  number = {125},
  pages = {680--697},
  publisher = {{Routledge}},
  issn = {1067-0564},
  doi = {10.1080/10670564.2019.1705000},
  abstract = {Rising income inequality and the surge of civil disorder are two important socio-economic phenomena in contemporary China. This article empirically explores the relationship between inequality and the occurrence of mass incidents at the county level. The results show that in counties with higher income inequality, mass incidents tend to happen with a larger probability. Two psychological transmission channels exist: income inequality will make individuals not only feel unhappy and unsatisfied with their lives but also feel unsatisfied with the government, both of which will lead to a larger occurrence possibility of mass incidents. A significant proportion of mass incidents are associated with the encroachment on citizens' economic interests and on the relationship between the public and the government.},
  timestamp = {2021-01-21T08:34:13Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Yang et al_2020_Income Inequality and Civil Disorder - Evidence from China.pdf}
}

@article{ZhaoDing2015,
  title = {Analysis on Individualization of Rural Minium Living Security Resource in Perspective of Elitism},
  author = {Zhao, Wenjie and Ding, Fanlin},
  date = {2015},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Beijing Vocational College of Agriculture},
  volume = {29},
  number = {4},
  pages = {54--60},
  issn = {1671-7252},
  doi = {10.19444/j.cnki.1671-7252.2015.04.009},
  urldate = {2023-06-19},
  abstract = {农村最低生活保障制度的实施对解决农村弱势群体生活困难问题有很大帮助,取得了十分积极的效果。但目前的政策实施过程仍存在一些问题,基于精英主义视角的分析发现,由于对"低保"政策认识不足、"低保"对象界定存在困难、乡村治理资源匮乏等原因,"低保"资源在基层分配中成为部分乡村治理精英的个人资源,呈现出个人化倾向。因此,需要通过制度建设、宣传教育、人员培训和必要的约束等方式进行解决。},
  langid = {chinese},
  keywords = {elitism,individualization,个人化 the rural minimum living security,农村``低保'',精英主义}
}

@article{ZhouJin2018,
  ids = {ZhouJin2018a},
  title = {Inequality and Political Trust in China: The Social Volcano Thesis Re-Examined},
  shorttitle = {Inequality and Political Trust in China},
  author = {Zhou, Yingnan Joseph and Jin, Shuai},
  date = {2018-12},
  journaltitle = {The China Quarterly},
  volume = {236},
  pages = {1033--1062},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  issn = {0305-7410, 1468-2648},
  doi = {10.1017/S0305741018001297},
  abstract = {The social volcano thesis states that the rising inequality in China threatens regime stability. This idea, although widely held in the media and in academia, is backed by little positive evidence but by much negative evidence. Two primary pieces of negative evidence are that the Chinese people trust the central government and that they are highly tolerant of inequality. This paper discusses the shortcomings of the negative evidence and re-examines the thesis in a rigorous and direct way. Our multilevel analysis shows that provincial inequality has negative effects on individuals' trust in the local government but not in the central government, and this negative effect holds for both the rich and the poor. Because distrust in the local government implies distrust in the central government, we conclude that a social volcano exists., ``社会火山论'' 认为中国严重的收入不平等会威胁政权稳定。此说虽然在媒体和学术届颇具影响，却尚未得到有力的证据支持。相反，反对此说的证据却越来越多。本文梳理了这些反面证据，指出了其中的问题，并对 ``社会火山论'' 进行了直接并严格的检验。我们的多层分析显示，省级的收入不平等确实降低了民众（包括穷人和富人）对地方政府的信任度，但不平等对民众对中央政府的信任度没有影响。由于民众对地方政府的不信任隐含了他们对中央政府的不信任，所以本文认为 ``社会火山'' 是存在的。},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {China,Gini coefficient,inequality,multilevel analysis,political trust,不平等,中国,基尼系数,多层模型分析,政治信任},
  timestamp = {2021-01-20T00:11:44Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Zhou_Jin2018_Inequality and Political Trust in China.pdf}
}

@incollection{Zhu2018,
  title = {Corruption in Reform Era: A Multidisciplinary Review},
  booktitle = {The {{SAGE Handbook}} of {{Contemporary China}}},
  author = {Zhu, Jiangnan},
  editor = {Wu, Weiping and Frazier, Mark},
  date = {2018-07-09},
  eprint = {3ixUDwAAQBAJ},
  eprinttype = {googlebooks},
  pages = {302--323},
  publisher = {{SAGE Publications Ltd}},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.4135/9781526436085},
  abstract = {Contemporary China is dynamic and complex. Recent dramatic changes in the Chinese economy, society, and environment pose numerous challenges for scholars of China.   This Handbook will define contemporary China Studies for the social sciences: investigating how we can best study China; exploring the transformations of contemporary China that inform how we study China; presenting the breadth and depth of the China Studies field; and identify future directions for China Studies.   In two volumes, the Handbook situates China Studies in history and context. Each chapter in Part One provides an overview and historiography of how scholars have conceptualized the Chinese state, nation, economy and environment, and analyzes trends in terms of different research approaches, types of sources, and trends in the study of these broad concepts. The next five parts cover substantive themes in China Studies, including economic transformations; politics and government; China as a global actor; urbanization and urban development; and Chinese society. In conclusion, the Handbook draws together critical discussions of emerging issues of transdisciplinary approaches to China Studies, the future of Chinese historical Studies, and the future of China in comparative contexts.},
  isbn = {978-1-5264-5559-8},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Business \& Economics / General,Political Science / General,Social Science / Anthropology / Cultural \& Social,Social Science / General}
}

@article{ZmerliCastillo2015,
  ids = {ZmerliCastillo2015a},
  title = {Income Inequality, Distributive Fairness and Political Trust in Latin America},
  author = {Zmerli, Sonja and Castillo, Juan Carlos},
  date = {2015-07},
  journaltitle = {Social Science Research},
  volume = {52},
  pages = {179--192},
  issn = {0049-089X},
  doi = {10.1016/j.ssresearch.2015.02.003},
  abstract = {In the wake of rising levels of income inequality during the past two decades, widespread concerns emerged about the social and political consequences of the widening gap between the poor and the rich that can be observed in many established democracies. Several empirical studies substantiate the link between macro-level income inequality and political attitudes and behavior, pointing at its broad and negative implications for political equality. Accordingly, these implications are expected to be accentuated in contexts of high inequality, as is the case in Latin America. Despite these general concerns about the consequences of income inequality, few studies have accounted for the importance of individual perceptions of distributive fairness in regard to trust in political institutions. Even less is known about the extent to which distributive fairness perceptions co-vary with objective indicators of inequality. Moreover, the research in this area has traditionally focused on OECD countries, which have lower indexes of inequality than the rest of the world. This study aims at filling this gap by focusing on the relevance of distributive fairness perceptions and macro-level inequality for political trust and on how these two levels interact in Latin American countries. The analyses are based on the Latinobarometer survey 2011, which consists of 18 countries. Multilevel estimations suggest that both dimensions of inequality are negatively associated with political trust but that higher levels of macro-level inequality attenuate rather than increase the strength of the negative association between distributive fairness perceptions and political trust.},
  langid = {english},
  keywords = {Distributive fairness,Income inequality,Latin America,Political trust},
  timestamp = {2021-01-21T08:34:18Z},
  file = {D\:\\Nutstore\\01_Literature\\Zmerli_Castillo_2015_Income Inequality, Distributive Fairness and Political Trust in Latin America.pdf}
}
